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Global action for a sustainable future looks to be in limbo as the United States, under President Donald Trump, and European countries significantly reduce their official development assistance to the Global South.

However, Uganda can do more to protect its environment. There is a huge need for a mindset change. The late Pope Francis call environmental degradation a moral sin and called for sustainable living. One family does not need a 20-bedroom house and/or 1,000 hectares of land. Neither do they need two cars. Christopher Bendana brings us this report.

Co-existence and not control of nature, managing the environment as a future benefit and not only a current one, and managing it as a community and not as individuals, are some of the recommendations by the United Nations University – Institute for Environment and Human Security (UNU-EHS). The 2025 Interconnected Disaster Risks report, Turning Over a New Leaf, released in April, blames human’s love for fossil fuels to run combustion engines for much of the current environmental challenges.

This love has been growing since the advent of the Industrial Revolution, and efforts to limit the extraction of the fuels have been fought by oil-producing countries and powerful oil companies. Fossil fuels emit carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases that are blamed for climate change, which has intensified in the recent past with ravaging floods, drought, and high temperatures. The effects of climate change are seen in food shortages, waterborne diseases, disruption of communication lines, and economic activities at levels never seen before. This has affected poor countries like Uganda which have limited technologies and resources to respond to the emergency.

The report states that societies must analyse and address the root causes of flooding, drought, deforestation, and increase in temperatures, rather than undertaking activities like suspended roads to solve the problem of flooding. ‘Many of the actions we take, as well-intentioned as they are, will not work as long as there is a whole system working against us. We need to go deeper – envision the world that we want to live in and change the structures to match that vision,’ says Caitlyn Eberle, a researcher and lead author of the report. Key questions from Uganda would be: What is causing drought in Katakwi district and flooding in Kampala city?

Why is the air in Kampala polluted? Science tells us that the drought is caused by deforestation for small and large-scale agriculture.

Flooding is also caused the clearing of wetlands which act as storm water sponges while old vehicles with poor emission systems have significantly contributed to the poor air quality in Kampala City.

Theory of Deep Change

The report emphasises the idea of mindset change and designing solutions (Theory of Deep Change). The Theory of Deep Change (ToDC) interrogates the root causes of global problems and identifies structures and assumptions in society that allow them to persist. The report authors use the analogy of a tree where bad fruits are a result of bad roots. Therefore, to solve the problem, one has to fix the roots. Some of today’s solutions are surface-level fixes . To create sustainable and lasting change, we need to question the societal structures and mindsets that perpetuate these challenges. ‘Society is at a crossroads. For years, scientists have warned us about the damage we are doing to our planet and how to stop it. But we are not taking meaningful actions. We know climate change is worsening, yet fossil fuel consumption keeps hitting record highs,’ says says Shen Xiaomeng, the director of UNU-EHS.

He adds that the world already has a waste crisis yet household waste is projected to double by 2050. ‘Time and again, we see the danger ahead yet keep moving towards it. In many cases, we see the abyss, we know how to turn around, and yet we confidently keep walking towards it. Why?’ he asks. The scientists highlight two ways change can be achieved. First, on the inner levers – where we can change the current assumptions or our systems; including mindset change that gives people options for doing things. Secondly, on the outer lever – where new goals are turned into practical structures to produce more positive outcomes. These may relate to changes in policy, institutions, or education. The report highlights five areas where deep systemic changes are urgently needed.

First, we need to rethink waste – from trash to treasure. It advocates for a circular economy where durability, repair, and reuse are key concepts. For instance, Kamikatsu town in Japan embraced circular strategies that include compositing, upcycling, and waste separation. This is a new world for Kampala City where the concept of prudent waste disposal like the separation of waste is akin to rocket science. Ordinary wanachi have failed to pick up the concept of kavera re-use, and usually dump waste in water drainages during downpours.

Second, we need to realign with nature – from separation to harmony. It suggests that humans must not separate themselves from nature. Deforestation, species extinctions, and ecosystem collapse are a result of humans trying to control natural processes instead of co-existing with them. This is vivid in Uganda as smallscale farmers clear rainforests and wetlands disrupting the ecosystem of amphibians, birds and primates, some yet to be discovered and recorded.

Third, we need to reconsider responsibility – from ‘me’ to ‘we.’ The report highlights the high greenhouse gas emission by the rich and the high climate change effects felt mainly by the poor who emit less, but have limited technology and resources to adapt. Its proposition is that together, we win hence a call for collective action. The report also discourages shifting climate change programs including carbon credit offsetting programs highly recommended by the Paris Agreement.

Fourth, we need to reimagine the future. The report calls upon the current occupants of the earth to think of the incoming generation and not mind about themselves alone and what it calls the problem of presentism.

It questions what kind of world we will leave to future generations; a world of more challenges than building blocks for success. Pollution of Lake Victoria and over exploitation of some herbal trees would be examples from Uganda. Lastly, we need to redefine value – from economic wealth to planetary health. The report questions why, in some areas, deforested land is of more value than forested land. It questions the gross domestic product (GDP) model which emphasises monetary values as the measure of success. The model has created much inequality and is responsible for the environmental degradation all over the world.

Ugandan experts weigh in

The National State of the Environment Report 2018/2019 by the National Environment Management Authority (NEMA) reveals a dire state of the environment with forest cover and wetland coverage declining and air and water quality deteriorating. Forest cover was reduced from 23.8 percent in 1990 to 9.9 percent in 2017.

However, the cover is going up again through the National Forestry Authority’s promotion of plantation forests. The decline has been mainly through conversion of forests to agricultural land.

Wetland coverage reduced from 15.5 percent of the land area in 1994 to 13 percent in 2017. The report also spells doom over the air quality with particular matter and nitrogen dioxide levels above the World Health Organisation (WHO) recommended levels. A recent 2024 study, Air Quality and attributable mortality among city dwellers in Kampala, Uganda by Lynn Atuyambe and others from Makerere University School of Public Health, published in the journal Nature, found the particular matter not only above the WHO Air Quality Guidelines Value but that 17-19 percent of deaths in Kampala City between 2020 and 2021 were attributed to particular matter related to air pollution.

Dr Patrick Byakagaba, an environment and natural resource governance expert and senior lecturer at Makerere University’s Department of Environmental Management, concurs with the authors of the report that humans are causing the greatest damage to the environment. ‘Humans should stop the arrogance of taking themselves as the key species on the planet and exploiting the natural resources without thinking of the consequences. We are a small part of the ecosystem. We might not even be the most critical. We need to recognise the value of other organisms and the non-living environment and live harmoniously,’ he says. As forester, he is worried about the current rate of deforestation and advises Uganda to learn from countries like Sweden and Costa Rica in protecting their forests.

‘Look at the value of the tree in an ecosystem. It can contribute to the regulation and maintenance of the water cycle, hold the soils together, provide shelter and food for birds, and sustain pollinators critical for agriculture, among other uses. We have to look at the cost of losing all these benefits when one cuts a single tree,’ he explains. Dr Byakagaba notes that forestry in Sweden is recognised as a strategic sector to an extent that 50 percent of forests are owned by private individuals who are required to follow sustainable forest management principles. ‘Costa Rica has almost 51 percent of its land covered by forests. This is mainly because of its innovative forest conservation and management programmes that involve direct payments to private forest landowners for forest ecosystem services. This is an important incentive for forest conservation on privately owned land,’ he says.

Dr Byakagaba suggests the adoption of the Natural Capital Accounting (NCA) approach which requires integrating the cost of economic growth on natural resources. ‘Environmental sustainability is premised on three pillars. First, is morality. There must be a question in one’s mind about whether what they are doing is right or wrong for the environment. Second, what are the virtues of the community where we live and how do they relate to forests or nature? Lastly, does society appreciate the consequences of degrading the environment?’ he asks. Frank Muramuzi, the executive director of the National Association of Professional Environmentalists (NAPE), says sometimes people do things out of ignorance, wondering why the country is investing in oil exploration that will alter the ecosystem in the Albertine region and not investing in renewable energy like solar, small dams, geothermal, and wind energy.

‘A lot of time and money has been wasted on this oil business. We would have made giant strides as a country if we had invested it in renewables. Everyone in the developing world is investing in electric vehicles. Fossil oils will not be feasible 20 years from now,’ he argues. Muramuzi calls on the government to prioritise the protection of the environment instead of remaining silent when freshwater bodies and catchment areas are being polluted by industrialists. ‘The government needs to get serious. Local governments are given Shs8 million to manage the environment annually. What can that amount of money do for an entire district?’ he asks.

There have been successful sustainable projects, though. Dr Byakagaba praises the National Environment Act, 2019 which has provisions for protecting nature including the right of nature to exist and holding those responsible for degradation culpable. On the other hand, the Climate Change Act 2021 compels ministries, departments, and authorities (MDA) to allocate reasonable finances to climate change activities. ‘We have 1.5 million hectares of protected areas in the form of wildlife conservation areas, forest reserves, and wetlands including the renowned Bwindi Impenetrable forest. The National Development Plans have had themes that have been critical in promoting conservation and environmental sustainability,’ he says.

Muramuzi believes creating an environment police unit is a good step but wants all police officers trained in handling environmental crime.

‘I am positive about collaborative forest management where communities neighboring central forest reserves are supported by the NFA to form associations. The members are involved in the protection of the forest and in return, they are allowed some benefits from the forest.

A political storm is currently brewing in Laroo-Pece Division in Gulu City following widespread speculation that the Democratic Party (DP) president general, Mr Norbert Mao, intends to contest for the Pece-Laroo Member of Parliament (MP) seat in the 2026 General Election.

Should the assumption, now trending for more than a fortnight, come to pass, guaranteeing that the incumbent MP Charles Onen retains his seat could be near impossible, especially because Mao is perennially famed in the Acholi Sub-region as a political heavyweight.

Fr Onen, a National Resistance Movement (NRM)-leaning pioneer MP for Pece-Laroo, secured a win in 2021 on an Independent ticket with 6,638 votes after he floored 12 other opponents, including Ms Nancy Atimango (NRM-4,220 votes), National Unity Platform’s Caesar Lubangakene (2,557), Forum for Democratic Change’s Geoffrey Komakech (1,619), DP’s Simon Opoka (698) and former MP Emmanuel Mwaka Lutukumoi (1,098), among others. Before the creation of Gulu City, which birthed Laroo-Pece and Bardege-Layibi divisions, Fr Onen had gained popularity following his anti-NRM political preaching that won the heart of many in the city that was formerly Opposition-dominant.

Whereas many argue that he was a great beneficiary of sympathy voting, his other 12 opponents would later be ranked below average to match his weight.

NRM’s Tonny Kitara, who recently won the party flag for the constituency, had hoped to secure an easy win over Fr Onen after fleeing the Bardege-Layibi race, from where Mr Martin Ojara Mapenduzi floored him in 2021. However, the race is likely to go molten should Mao’s addition materialise.

In February, while appearing on a political show on a local radio in Gulu City, Mao emphasised that he was ready to midwife transition and that he was willing to sacrifice everything for it. ‘I am not sure whether I am going to eat it or not. But it does not matter if transition comes after I am gone,’ Mao said, adding that many people were warning him about dealing with the NRM government, particularly President Museveni. ‘They have been advising me to be careful; they are afraid that I might be harmed. But I tell you, do not worry. Any right-thinking Acholi should fight individuals who are against my mission. I am the only one with the sharp knife who will share the meat with everyone,’ he stated.

Despite the huge support he often enjoyed in Acholi Sub-region, Mao’s support has gradually been dwindling, according to Electoral Commission (EC) data, with support now limited mostly to Gulu District. For example, in 2011 when he contested for the presidency, Mao, a two-time MP for Gulu Municipality, secured 1.8 percent (148,170 votes) countrywide. Of this number, Mao got 82,781 votes (6.24 percent of northern Uganda’s total votes), scoring highest in Gulu District (44.29 percent), trailed by Museveni at 26.85 percent.

However, in the neighbouring Kitgum District, President Museveni floored him with 38.93 percent (17,965 votes) when he scored only 8.04 percent (3,711 votes).

Skipping the 2016 showdown, Mao polled even dismally with support nationally dwindling from 148,170 votes to 57,682 votes (0.56 percent) in the 2021 presidential elections. In the northern region, the figures further dropped by half from 82,781 votes to only 40,688 (2.28 percent), while those of Gulu and Kitgum districts dropped to 11,223 votes and 1,342 votes.

Internal fights

Mao has not come out to openly clarify as true or false the claims being attributed to him, subject to nominations this coming week. However, his decision to back off from the presidential race is speculated to be premised on wanting to protect his party’s interest in Museveni’s 2026-2031 government and the post-Museveni era. On Tuesday, October 14, while addressing DP flag bearers at the party headquarters on Balintuma Road, Kampala, Mao did not hesitate to define the party’s dreams that guide a new covenant seeking to usher in a new transition in Uganda.

In the manifesto document, the party outlined its vision and protocol in tackling critical issues surrounding the transition dialogue after President Museveni announced recently that he was seeking re-election. Besides launching the manifesto that also tackles education, healthcare, poverty, agriculture and infrastructure, among others, Mao revealed to the delegates the structure of the new unity government that he claims DP has been a key contributor to forming.

Besides seeking to advocate for a government of national unity as a base for peaceful transition to minimise the recurrent incidence of violent changes of government in the country, Mao also explained that consultations are going to be held under the Inter-Party Organisation for Dialogue (IPOD) to convene an extraordinary summit to discuss post-Museveni era, whom he said is now aged and needs a clear plan for his exit.

‘We shall have a new constitution resulting from a negotiated Uganda in which all parts that constitute 16 regions of Uganda feel included as equal shareholders from Ankole, Tooro, Bugisu, Kigezi, Buganda, Busoga, Karamoja, West Nile and the northern region, among others,’ he reportedly told the sitting. Such dealings with the NRM have, of late, had him caught up in a series of no-love-lost-no-love-found scenarios with a section of his own party leadership plotting and threatening to isolate him due to his dining with the ruling party.

For example, in May, Mao stirred a hornet’s nest when he invited Gen Caleb Akandwanaho, aka Salim Saleh, to officiate at DP’s national executive committee gathering at his home in Coopil village, Unyama Sub-county, Gulu, during which he challenged the party’s central organ to continue working with the NRM party to leverage Ugandans into the money economy. Gen Saleh, who is the chief coordinator of Operation Wealth Creation, a poverty-eradication programme, acknowledged DP’s efforts in backing the government to eradicate poverty.

The meeting, which was widely condemned by a fraction of DP senior leadership, was staged a few days before the party’s delegates’ conference held in Mbarara City. It was meant to resolve DP’s internal squabbles that have always threatened to rip it apart. Mr Michael Bayigga Lulume, a DP MP, said the meeting is proof of how Mr Mao and his group have attempted to sell off the party to the ruling NRM government. ‘Certainly, it will impact negatively on Mao and his group. We have been telling the people that Mao sold the party, and nobody wanted to believe, including the media, and today you saw it. Mao will get his disciplinary action once we reach Mbarara once and for all.’ Mr Bayigga said.

Jumping out of 2021 race

While in January, the party rubbished claims that it was plotting a political alliance with the NRM government ahead of the 2026 General Election, saying the two parties have distinct visions for Uganda as they approach the 2026 elections, Mao’s recent move seemed to have reversed the position when he declared he would not contest for the presidency. Last month, he explained that his party’s decision not to present a presidential candidate in the upcoming elections was one driven by a mix of financial constraints and political strategy aimed at backing the NRM party.

‘A presidential campaign requires substantial funding. By directing these resources to parliamentary and local government races, we can achieve better results. We have to be practical about Uganda’s political environment,’ he said. At an earlier national executive committee (NEC) meeting in Rubaga, Kampala, the decision, he said, was birthed after being primarily influenced by the memorandum of understanding signed with the ruling NRM in 2021, which also resulted in Mao’s appointment as minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs.

It is not the first time that DP has not presented a presidential candidate since the return of political pluralism two decades ago. In the 2016 presidential elections, under Mao’s presidency, the party supported Go Forward’s John Patrick Amama Mbabazi. Whereas DP had initially picked presidential nomination forms on August 28 and expressed confidence in offering Uganda a peaceful transition of power, its NEC ultimately assessed the party’s chances of winning the presidency as “slim” under the current circumstances. He also reasoned that the move was not only to avoid fragmenting the Opposition vote but also to promote peaceful and credible elections.

This publication established that DP is currently embroiled in internal wrangles that have cost the party its membership across the country, with a section of its MPs exiting to join other parties. The disagreements escalated ahead of the 2021 elections when several DP members crossed to the Opposition National Unity Platform (NUP) party. These include Nyendo-Mukungwe MP Mathias Mpuuga, Mukono Municipality MP Betty Nambooze, Mr Muwanga Kivumbi (Butambala County), Mr Allan Ssewanyana (Makindye West), Mr Medard Sseggona (Busiro County), Mr Joseph Ssewungu (Kalungu West) and Mr Ssempala Kigozi (former Makindye Ssabagabo), among others.

The signing of the cooperation agreement by Mao and a section of DP’s top leaders with the NRM party in 2022 further compounded the tensions after securing an appointment in the NRM government Cabinet as Justice minister. Among other DP officials who secured key jobs from the NRM government were party secretary general Gerald Siranda, who secured an East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) job, causing several party MPs to oppose Mao’s leadership. The cooperation agreement was meant to foster constitutionalism, uphold human rights, and ensure a peaceful transition of power, but with the upcoming 2026 General Election, several DP MPs have cast doubt on the viability of the cooperation.

For example, on April 7, DP deputy president Fred Mukasa Mbidde wrote to Mao over his withdrawal from the agreement he described as controversial. ‘As you are aware, I proposed a significant motion to initiate the process of terminating our cooperation agreement with the National Resistance Movement,’ he said. Mao, who has been at the helm of one of the oldest parties since 2010, sought another five-year term as president general, in which he succeeded amid a violent national delegates’ conference and election held in Mbarara in June.

What next for Mao?

Meanwhile, Mao has not come out to openly speak about his intentions to contest in Pece-Laroo Division or respond to rumours circulating on social media about his alleged positioning as a possible Speaker of Parliament or Vice President. Our repeated attempts to reach out to Mao for a comment through telephone calls and text messages were futile since he did not answer. However, Sunday Monitor has traced a series of recent public statements uttered by Mao signalling his planned move to return to Parliament as an MP.

For example, on October 12, while addressing the congregation at the 13th memorial service of the late Tiberio Okeny Atwoma at Orayng Ojuma ‘A’ South Village in Labongo Amida Sub-county in Kitgum District, Mao hinted that he was primed to become the next head of state, based on the ongoing discussions. ‘I am one of the few people who have harvested honey without lighting any fire (smoke), and I am still harvesting it, and nothing stops me from sitting on the seat (presidency), but for now I don’t want to spill out so many secrets because there are levels of talks, including those that are highly classified,’ he said. Mao also called for support, without stating specifically where he would contest, saying he would best represent the interests of the Acholi people and steer the country through the transition.

‘You must elect strong leaders this time, you know the calibre of leaders that were elected to the CA [Constituent Assembly]. We must support and strengthen our politics. Me, I have come out here before you. Let us embrace the politics of unity, no leader owns any constituency, this thing of ‘my seat, my constituency’, the people are the owners of those constituencies, let us stop such reckless personalisation of constituencies,’ he said. ‘Uganda is at a very terrible corner, if you see people coming from western Uganda, those who were in reserve, they have all come back because they are seeing the sun already setting for the big man, this coming elections is for those who are experienced in leadership, they are the most wanted for the next five years not these lousy bush-rat hunters,’ he added.

‘Let’s be hopeful that we shall wait and witness the change, but while waiting, you must be prepared. As Acholi, we are the ones balancing the politics of Uganda, but we don’t know our value as Acholi people.’

At latitude zero, in Laikipia County, central Kenya, two magnificent creatures graze quietly under the morning sun. Their names are Najin and Fatu, the world’s last two remaining Northern White rhinos. They move slowly, their immense frames casting long shadows on the dry grass as armed rangers watch silently nearby, never more than a few metres away.

It was here, within the 90,000-acre Ol Pejeta Conservancy, that their ancestor, Sudan, the last male of the subspecies, walked his final steps before dying in March 2018. His grave now lies under a tree, a quiet reminder of how close the world lost an entire lineage. Around this sacred ground, the conservancy hums with life.

Zebras flick their tails as they trot across the plains. Elephants gather near water marshes, splashing dust over their backs. From a distance, a group of schoolchildren in standard uniforms watch through binoculars, their teacher pointing at a herd of impalas grazing nearby. For many, this is their first encounter with Kenya’s wild heritage, and the lesson is clear: wildlife and people can coexist.

‘Conservancies are showing that conservation and community development are not opposites,’ says Vincent Oluoch, programmes manager at the Kenya Wildlife Conservancies Association (KWCA). ‘They are two sides of the same coin. When people see value in protecting wildlife, they protect it voluntarily.’

A model born out of crisis

Kenya’s wildlife once seemed boundless. But over the past four decades, the East African country lost nearly 68 percent of its wildlife population-victims of poaching, land-use changes, and the growing human-wildlife conflict. National parks, once seen as the backbone of conservation, struggled to balance ecological protection with public participation.

Out of that crisis emerged the conservancy model, landscapes managed by communities or private entities that combine conservation, tourism, and livelihoods. Today, there are more than 200 registered conservancies across Kenya, covering nine million hectares, roughly 15 percent of the country’s total landmass. These conservancies, linked under the KWCA umbrella, now anchor Kenya’s ambitious 30×30 target: protecting 30 percent of land and sea by 2030.

‘The Wildlife Conservation and Management Act of 2013 was a turning point,’ Oluoch explains. ‘For the first time, the law legally recognised conservancies as formal conservation areas. We now have structured systems where communities and private actors co-manage land. The results speak for themselves, reduced poaching, restored habitats, and better livelihoods.’ He adds: ‘About 45 percent of Kenya’s black rhino population now lives within conservancies, mostly in Laikipia. In some areas, poaching incidents have dropped to zero for over five years. That’s a powerful shift.’

Ol Pejeta

Few places illustrate that transformation better than Ol Pejeta Conservancy, a once-colonial cattle ranch turned into one of Africa’s most successful conservation enterprises. Today, it shelters East Africa’s largest population of black rhinos, 173 individuals alongside 51 Southern White rhinos and, of course, Najin and Fatu, the Northern White rhinos whose survival depends on groundbreaking science. Behind their care is a team of devoted keepers. Jeremy Kimathi, one of Ol Pejeta’s rhino caregivers, shares an intimate perspective. ‘These animals are family,’ Kimathi says, looking over the wide enclosure where the two rhinos graze. ‘We tried the first embryo transfer in 2023 using a Southern White rhino as a surrogate mother, but sadly, she died at 70 days. The next attempt will be later this year. We still believe we can bring the Northern White rhino back.’

Using advanced in-vitro fertilisation (IVF) technology, scientists have already created and preserved multiple embryos using eggs from Fatu and sperm from deceased males. The hope is to find a surrogate mother to carry the embryos to full term. This is a last-ditch attempt to reverse extinction. Yet, as Enid Nkatha, head of tourism at Ol Pejeta, points out, conservation here is not only about protecting species. It’s about people. ‘We realised early that we cannot protect animals if our neighbours see no benefit in them,’ she says. ‘So we built a model where conservation creates jobs, scholarships, and opportunities for the communities around us.’

Each year, Ol Pejeta awards over 300 scholarships to children from surrounding villages. Residents are prioritised in hiring, from rangers to hospitality workers and administrative staff. ‘Before we employ anyone,’ Nkatha adds, ‘we first contact the community. If someone qualified is available, they get the job. Only when no one fits the role do we advertise outside. That builds trust and ownership.’

Turning conflict into coexistence

Across Africa, human-wildlife conflict remains one of the biggest threats to conservation. Elephants raid farms, lions attack livestock, and frustrated communities often retaliate. Ol Pejeta has worked to turn this tension into collaboration. ‘When our neighbours lose animals to theft or predators, they can call us directly,’ Nkatha explains. ‘Our canine unit and rangers help trace and recover livestock. We also hold barazas [public meetings] where we listen to their concerns. It’s not about policing; it’s about partnership.’

Community leaders serve as liaisons, ensuring open communication between the conservancy and nearby villages. Schoolchildren are also regular guests on educational visits. ‘We bring them for game drives, to see what we do and why it matters,’ she says. ‘Some of our staff started as interns from these communities. Now they’re part of the conservancy team. That’s what success looks like.’

The economics of conservation

At Ol Pejeta, sustainability is not charity, it is economics. Tourism generates about 65 percent of conservancy revenue across Kenya, according to KWCA data. Ol Pejeta alone welcomes more than 110,000 visitors annually, with a self-imposed cap of 120,000 to avoid ecosystem strain. ‘We know our limits,’ Nkatha says. ‘Once we reach 120,000 visitors, we’ll pause and evaluate. Conservation must never come at the expense of the ecosystem. For now, we’re within safe limits, and every visitor directly supports conservation.’

The conservancy markets itself as part of the ‘Magical Kenya’ experience, offering guests immersive wildlife adventures from tracking collared lions with radio antennas and night drives to Run the Wild, a morning jog alongside rangers through the plains. Behind the scenes, Ol Pejeta also runs a livestock-wildlife integration programme. More than 6,000 Boran cattle graze within the conservancy in controlled rotations, trimming grass and enriching the soil through manure, helping sustain wild herbivore habitats. ‘It’s a win-win,’ Nkatha smiles. ‘The cows feed, the land stays healthy, and wildlife always finds fresh grass. Plus, the cattle program generates extra income that supports our conservation work.’

The business of coexistence

Across Kenya, conservancies collectively host around 240 tourism facilities with a bed capacity of 3,450, directly benefiting over 8,000 people and generating approximately $26m (Shs89.5b) annually. Yet, only about 100 out of Kenya’s 245 conservancies operate formal tourism ventures leaving enormous room for investment. ‘Tourism is not just about lodges,’ Oluoch explains. ‘It’s about value chains, beekeeping, guiding, crafts, and local produce. When investors partner with conservancies, communities become stakeholders, not bystanders.’

Counties like Samburu, Narok, Taita Taveta, and Baringo are now allocating budgetary funds to support conservancies. ‘Samburu already passed legislation to fund its conservancies,’ Oluoch notes. ‘During Covid-19, the national government even paid ranger salaries for a year. That shows how vital these landscapes have become.’

Challenges and prospects

Despite success stories, challenges persist. Many emerging conservancies rely heavily on donor funding, limiting their long-term sustainability. ‘Younger conservancies need help to build governance structures and management systems,’ Oluoch admits. ‘Bigger ones face higher operational costs, more rangers, vehicles, and infrastructure. KWCA acts as a funnel, channelling funds where they’re most needed.’

He argues that the future lies in diversified income streams not just tourism, but also carbon credits, livestock programs, and ecosystem service payments.

‘Sustainability will come when conservancies earn from multiple sources. That’s when conservation becomes self-sustaining,’ he says. At its heart, Ol Pejeta’s success rests on a simple but radical idea: conservation must pay its way, not only for wildlife, but for people too. When tourists buy beadwork from local women’s groups, when herders earn salaries as rangers, and when children from nearby schools win scholarships funded by park fees-conservation stops being an external agenda and becomes a shared community aspiration.

‘Our people now see wildlife as an asset,’ Nkatha says with pride.

In the wake of the death of former Kenya prime minister Raila Odinga, the East African region is once again talking about the growing epidemic of cardiovascular deaths.

The 80-year-old veteran Kenyan leader collapsed during a morning walk and was rushed to Devamatha Hospital, some 50km east of the Indian port city of Kochi. He passed away soon after. According to his attending cardiologist, despite their ‘sincere efforts’ like cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR) and other measures, they couldn’t resuscitate the man widely seen as a colossus of East African politics. His life was snatched away by a condition that’s sweeping away lives both young and old at an alarming rate.

Cardiovascular Diseases (CVD) have, in the recent past, prematurely claimed the lives of many a Ugandan leader. On September 7, 2024, the country woke up to news of the death of Sarah Mateke Nyirabashitsi, the then Defence and Veteran Affairs minister and daughter of Gisoro strongman Philemon Mateke. yirabashitsi joined former minister Stephen Malinga and celebrated General Aronda Nyakairima on the list of public figures who have succumbed to cardiac-related ailments. Millions of Ugandans whose names don’t make the news headlines have ended up on that dreaded list.

Why is this the case?

Speaking to our sister TV station, NTV-Uganda, in the wake of Nyirabashitsi’s death, the director of the Uganda Heart Institute, Dr John Omagino, quoting a STEPS (Study of Transitions and Education Pathways) study from 2016, said a quarter of Uganda’s adult population, from both rural and urban areas, already have hypertension, which predisposes someone to heart disease. He said heart disease affects the entire human life cycle, from babies born with congenital heart diseases to the oldest people.

Dr Omagino further said internationally, at least one percent of all babies born worldwide have heart disease. When run against the 1.6 million babies born in Uganda per year, 16,000 Ugandans are born with heart disease and, according to Dr Omagino, the job of our healthcare system is to catch these and treat them.

In Uganda, CVD accounts for more than 10 percent of deaths, most of them premature deaths. CVD does not respect society’s class divides, and perhaps this is one reason the country’s forever inward-looking politicians might do well to address the problem.

What is a cardiac arrest?

A cardiac arrest happens when the heart suddenly stops pumping blood to the rest of the body. Think of the heart as a pump that pushes blood around the body. If that pump stops working, the blood stops flowing, which means the brain and other organs don’t get the oxygen they need. This is a very serious condition because, without blood and oxygen, the person loses consciousness within seconds and can die within minutes if nothing is done. The consequences of a cardiac arrest, if one is to survive, are best dealt with in an intensive care unit.

Important points to know:

* Cardiac arrest is different from a heart attack, though a heart attack can sometimes cause it.

* During a cardiac arrest, the person will collapse, stop breathing or breathe in an abnormal way, and have no pulse.

* Immediate action, like CPR or using a defibrillator, is critical. These can keep blood flowing and try to restart the heart until emergency medical help arrives.

Depending on whether it’s In-Hospital Cardiac Arrest (IHCA) or Out-of-Hospital Cardiac Arrest (OHCA), the odds of survival are markedly different. In both instances, quick recognition and intervention can be the difference between life and death. Oftentimes, the time available is barely 15 minutes. Intervention requires a robust healthcare system built from the community level to the national level, with cardiovascular response in mind.

So what needs to be done?

Experts say Uganda needs to channel some funds towards improving cardiovascular research and care. The country, they add, can’t continue existing in a society where its healthcare providers routinely mistake cardiovascular ailments for ulcers. To compound matters, medicines for CVD are some of the least available in healthcare facilities, a lot of our medical practitioners might struggle to perform CPR, let alone read an electrocardiogram or ECG. Ambulance services at the grassroots level don’t rise higher than a vote-buying second-hand Japanese van from a parliamentary aspirant. They’re rarely fuelled, stocked and/or staffed. This patchwork approach is sure to have grim outcomes.

Uganda Ladies Golf Union (ULGU) president Rita Akot Apell is confident can close out the year on a high note when the national pushes for top honours at the East and Central All-Africa Challenge Trophy (ECAAT) in Kenya this week.

With hopes of going a step or two better than third place from the 2023 edition in Rwanda, ULGU is banking a blend of youth and experience to conquer at the 54-hole stroke-play championship which tees-off in Naivasha this morning.

In an unfamiliar move, teenager Keisha Kagoro, 2023 Uganda Ladies Open champion Peace Kabasweka and in-form Meron Kyomugisha will shoulder the country’s burden for glory at the Great Rift Valley Lodge and Golf Resort.

‘Our goal is to win the event and then demonstrate how far we’ve come with ladies golf, the significant progress,’ said national coach Flavia Namakula before the team departed at the weekend.

‘Our focus has been on mental toughness, course strategy and playing under pressure,’ Namakula said of the team preparations held at the Lake Victoria Serena Golf Resort and Spa.

And she trusts the young handicap two player Kagoro, who is based in South Africa. ‘She is a very good player but also one of our strategies as ULGU is to promote the youngsters, phasing out what has been the norm of taking particular players. She played in the junior tournaments we’ve had in South Africa and Egypt.’

Yet, Kyomugisha and Kabasweka’s experience is really vital. Kabasweka only recently returned from the USA where she competed at the US Elite Amateur Championship in July, playing rounds in the States of Washington and Kansas.

‘2025 has been amazing, I have had a good run. My short game, which was my challenge, has improved. I hope with time I will even be perfect,’ said the scratch player from Tooro Golf Club.

‘I have trust in my players. We’ve put our hearts out to train hard. We expect to play well. Kenya is a place where we’ve always been. We know the players we are going to face in all the seven teams.’

That’s contrary to two years ago. ‘In 2023, we were in Kigali. It was a new course, we had never played it. The Great Rift Valley course is beautiful and long, so we need to play the balls longer. They have the same greens like Kigo and we are not scared,’ added Kabasweka.

At handicap three, Kyomugisha topped the country’s order of merit and that could come in handy against the title holders Tanzania and the hosts Kenya.

Uganda, which is supported by a bulk including National Council of Sports (NCS), the R and A, Uganda Airlines, Stanbic Bank, Neptune and the Challengers Golf, will compete against six other countries in total.

ABOUT ECAACT

Full Name: East and Central Africa – All-Africa Challenge Trophy

Dates: October 20-25

Hosts: Great Rift Valley Lodge and Golf Resort

Location: Naivasha, Kenya

Participating Countries: Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda, Zambia, Madagascar, Reunion Islands

Team Uganda: Players – Peace Kabasweka (Captain), Meron Kyomugisha, Keisha Kagoro, Officials – Flavia Namakula (Coach), Charity Atuhaire (Manager)

Competition Format: Stroke-play (54 holes)

Uganda Demographic and Health Survey report of 2016 says approximately 34 percent of women aged 25 and 49 were married before the age of 18. In Bidibidi refugee settlement, Viola*, at just 14 years, was lured into early motherhood.

She was rejected by her family and stigmatised by the people from the community. Forced to navigate these challenges, Viola dropped out of school to care for her child.

Although many assumed her dreams had vanished, her journey took a transformative turn. Viola joined a Plan International mentorship programme, which equipped her with the tools and support.

Encouraged by this guidance, she re-enrolled in school and is now in Primary Six, determined to build a brighter future for herself and her two-year-old child.

Leadership capacity building

On the International Day of the Girl Child, Viola, alongside other girls from across the country, participated in a one-day job shadowing programme organised by Absa Bank Uganda in partnership with Plan International Uganda.

The initiative allowed the youth to connect with industry leaders and mentors, giving them a unique opportunity to step into leadership roles within the bank.

Participants, aged between 13 and 30, experienced first-hand the responsibilities and challenges of positions such as executive director, chief financial officer, and operations manager, gaining insight into professional decision-making and organisational dynamics.

Organised under the theme, ‘Look at me as a child, not a wife,’ the programme aimed to reinforce purpose, build confidence, and strengthen the girls’ commitment to breaking the cycle of child marriage.

Participants were encouraged to challenge societal norms and pursue their dreams as bank employees shared their personal experiences, career journeys, and lessons learned.

This mentorship not only provided the girls with practical insights into professional life, but also inspired them to envision possibilities beyond the constraints of early marriage.

Ms Pheobe Kasoga, the country director of Plan International Uganda, explained that the takeover programme was designed to give girls a platform to experience leadership first-hand, build confidence, and envision a future beyond early marriage.

‘We want every girl to see herself not as someone destined to marry young, but as a leader, a change maker, and someone who can shape her own future. Experiences like these give them the courage and vision to dream bigger and aim higher,’ Ms Kasoga said.

‘Through investing in education and providing platforms for leadership, communities can foster environments where girls are seen as individuals with potential, not as commodities to be married off.’

Safiat*, 17, a student and girls’ rights advocate, playing the role of executive director, took on several responsibilities, including chairing the meeting and guiding discussions. She noted that the experience would inspire her and help encourage other girls to stay in school, complete education, and aim for higher opportunities in the future. Additionally, Ms Kasoga emphasised that while empowering girls is critical, creating lasting change also requires involving the entire community.

‘Therefore, engaging boys and young men is vital to challenge harmful gender norms, promote equality, and address the challenges girls face, ensuring communities fully support and protect the rights and opportunities of young women.’

By investing in girls’ education and providing platforms for leadership, communities can foster environments where girls are seen as individuals with potential, not as commodities to be married off.

Education and exposure

Michael Segwaya, the executive director of Absa Bank, speaking during the engagement, he explained that when girls remain in school, they are less likely to marry early, as education opens doors to careers, provides access to vital health information, and helps develop social networks that foster independence and personal growth.

For instance, Josephine*, 23, who had initially dropped out of school at 15 due to early pregnancy, was able to overcome stigma, completed her education through support from mentorship programmes like She Leads, and now works.

Josephine’s journey thus demonstrates how education and mentorship can transform challenges into opportunities, enabling girls to become advocates and role models in their communities.

During the takeover, as the girls were exposed to leadership roles, they were able to interact with staff across different departments and visiting various offices within the organisation. This practical exposure not only inspired them to imagine careers in financial institutions or top management, but also demonstrated how skills gained in school could translate into real-world leadership.

As participants navigated executive roles, they learnt the value of time management, problem-solving, teamwork, and decision-making, while seeing firsthand how leadership responsibilities are carried out in professional settings.

Additionally, through education, girls are able to become more aware of their rights and better positioned to advocate for themselves and others, fostering a culture where every girl can realise her full potential to break cycles of poverty, inequality, and discrimination.

Juliet*, 15, a student, said she is using her education and leadership skills to mentor peers in her community. Juliet promises to continue advocating for their education and encouraging them to stay in school, pursue their dreams, and resist pressures such as early marriage or dropping out due to societal challenges.

Programmes and initiatives

In a bid to achieve the benefits of educating the girl child, under the pillar of diversity and inclusion with a clear commitment to mentoring and inspiring the next generation, Absa Bank organises the Seven Hills Run. Through this event, the organisation raises funds from staff, clients, and well-wishers to support children in school. S

egwaya further urged the government, private sector, and civil society to partner and invest in education as a key strategy to end child marriages.

At the end of the event, the participants were awarded certificates and school bags to encourage them to remain in school, continue pursuing their education, and strive toward achieving their dreams.

Dear Aunt Stella,

I am at my wit’s end as I write this letter to you. In fact, I am so stressed that I have lost weight. A few years into our marriage, my husband started smoking. He is now a committed smoker, and nothing I do or say will make him change. Even though he does all his smoking outside, the house stinks.

Our bedroom smells like the inside of a furnace. His mouth and body stink, and so do his clothes. The children have stopped inviting their friends over because they are embarrassed by the smell. Short of leaving him, what can I do?

Yours,

Drowning-in-tobacco-fumes.

Dear Drowning,

You have my absolute sympathy.

My dear, you know your husband is an adult-only he can make the decision to change this terrible habit on his own.

That said, I will give you some advice. If you have a bit of garden space, just a few metres really, then this just might work. Go to the jobless corner in your neighbourhood and look for those strong youth, who are always hanging around with nothing to do. Hire them to build a small shed outside your house. It must not have any windows, just a door, and it should be able to accommodate a very small single bed.

Transfer all your husband’s clothes and belongings to that shed and explain to him that because you cannot live with the stench of the cigarette smoke, this is the best solution. Use everything and everyone in your power to convince him to sleep in the shed for at least two weeks. He should bathe there as well.

Every day when he leaves for work, go to the shed and light a cigarette. Let it burn to the end while you watch, then put it out safely and leave the shed. Make sure you shut the door tightly behind you. If after two weeks of living this way he still chooses to smoke, then you have two options. Learn to live with second-hand cigarette smoke or go live in a better environment-without your husband.

On this day, he was not the man who had served as MP, Cabinet minister and Prime Minister. He was not the man who had run for president five times.

He was just the East African Spectre director, who happened to love the factory more than the boardroom. Raila Odinga, who in 1971 sold his Opel to get capital to found East African Spectre, sat down with the firm’s general manager, Hudson Chitala, to discuss how to further improve operations.

Odinga chaired a meeting with guests and his senior managers and, as had become the norm, isolated Mr Chitala for a chat about the company. On Wednesday, Mr Chitala and the other more than 150 staffers strolled into work with rumours of their boss’ health hanging in the air. The senior managers opted to dash to the Odinga home in Karen, where the sad news was confirmed. By the time they returned to the office, staff were seemingly already aware and overburdened by the news.

‘We found the staff were unable to work, so we just told them to go home,’ Mr Chitala said on Thursday. In Raila’s office on the first floor of the building lies a pink candle, lit by the managers in honour of the man who often spoke of using manufacturing to resolve Kenya’s problems. Mr Chitala hopes that when staff return to the plant on Tuesday, two days after Mr Odinga’s burial, they will be emotionally and psychologically stable enough to resume operations. For now, the silence which is usually overpowered by the chugging and buzzing of heavy machinery and staff chatter, carries the day.

Raila is best known as a political animal, but he first cut his teeth in business, helping his family run a bus company in Nyanza. From early on, he built a clear moat between commerce and politics, a discipline that would later define his public life. Around the time he struck a truce with President William Ruto amid anti-tax protests, the Odinga family quietly opened a larger branch near the Industrial and Commercial Development Corporation (ICDC), underscoring the parallel track on which his businesses run.

He was among the first Kenyans to venture into gas-cylinder manufacturing, inspired by the extensive use of firewood and makaa in the country then. Together with his father, the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Raila founded East African Spectre. Ruth Okwiri, an accountant who has worked at East African Spectre for 36 years, said initially, the plant was based at the Kenya Industrial Estate and turned out about 30 cylinders a month.

The enterprise quickly hit a structural gap: Kenya had no local safety standards for pressure vessels. Early clients such as Shell and BP sent cylinders to London’s Atomic Energy establishment for testing because local certification did not exist. Only after those tests did the oil marketing companies allow full production.

Even inspection logistics were shaky; cylinders were sent to Lloyd’s for certification. Raila spotted an opportunity. He pushed to establish Kenyan standards and monitoring for cylinders and played a role in setting up the Kenya Bureau of Standards to oversee them. He later served as a senior manager at the standards body.

Raila never publicly declared a personal net worth, but he once suggested the Odinga family’s wealth was about Kshs2b (Shs53.2b), largely in company shares and real estate. The estate of Jaramogi Oginga Odinga owns 262,500 shares in East Africa Spectre. Raila owns 90,000 shares. His brother, Oburu Oginga owns 60,000 shares. Ida Odinga owns 50,000 shares. Israel Otieno Agina, the man who spent two years in detention for alleged sedition against former President Daniel Arap Moi, owns 30,000 shares.

The family of Argwings Kodhek, the first Black lawyer in East Africa, owns 5,000 shares. The family of former National Oil Corporation of Kenya director Ngesa Okolo holds 2,500 shares. Odinga, his wife Ida, and brother Oburu all have offices at the East African Spectre plant. Raila also set up Spectre International but it ceased operations in 2017, leaving behind a trail of debt to multiple creditors including staff who negotiated a Kshs44m (Shs1.1b) pay deal after suing in the same year.

Spectre International was incorporated in 1989, and six years later bid Kshs570m (Shs15.1b) for the assets of the Kenya Chemical and Food Corporation. In 2000, Mr Odinga and President Moi entered a political pact that saw the former appointed Energy minister a year later. Around the same time, KCB’s receiver manager reached an agreement to sell the 240-acre land hosting the molasses plant to Spectre International for Kshs3.6m. Be Energy, a petroleum dealer, has had better luck in business. In 2020 it controlled 2.4 percent of the market share. By 2022 the firm was controlling 3.1 percent of the oil market. In the 2024/2025 financial year, that control grew to 3.52 percent after selling 205,369 cubic metres of petroleum products.

Energy and Petroleum Regulatory Authority disclosures indicate that it is currently the fifth biggest oil marketer in Kenya only behind the big four multinationals – Vivo Energy (Shell), Rubis Energy, TotalEnergies and Ola Energy. Be Energy exports petrol, diesel, kerosene, jet fuel and oil lubricants to South Sudan, Uganda, Burundi, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Raila and his family own 2,801 shares in Be Energy Limited through Pan African Petroleum Company Ltd.

Pan African Petroleum Company is owned by Raila Odinga Junior (25,000 shares), Rosemary Adhiambo Odinga (50,000 shares), Winnie Irmgard Odinga (25,000 shares), Elija Bonyo Oburu (125,000 shares), Wenwa Akinyi Oranga (25,000 shares) and Kango Enterprises (250,000 shares). Kango Enterprises is wholly owned by Mr Odinga and his wife, Ida Betty Odinga. They each have 100 shares in Kango Enterprises.

Twenty-five years ago, I wrote an opinion piece for a national daily, arguing that Raila Odinga, bless his soul, would never be president of Kenya. I argued that people like Raila may be immensely popular, charismatic, and influential, but their role, predestined and predetermined by fate, is different – they are born to be kingmakers, rallying points, and forces that shape the course of politics, not to sit at its pinnacle.

The hand that anoints the king, said I, was never meant for the throne. The editor dismissed me as a wide-eyed, inexperienced pup, barking about the impossible-she, in essence, patted me on the head, saying I was a fine puppy, and I’d one day grow into a big dog…then she trashed the article. It’s not a good idea to be right when the boss is wrong, so I held my peace. In hindsight, all I can say, modesty observed, is that it is good, any day, that landlubbers listen and take notes when a sailor is making a speech about the sea, ships, and sailing.

Hindsight is the ability to look back and judge decisions or events in the light of how they turned out or suggest what might have been, had intervening variables been kinder. Hindsight often causes us to drift into two critical tools of analysis: counterfactual thinking and counterfactual history, where we ask, ‘What if?’

In 1902, under the Uganda Order in Council, the British Colonial Office transferred most of eastern Uganda to Kenya- Kisumu, Siaya, Bungoma, Kakamega, Busia, Nandi, and parts of Uasin Gishu and Trans Nzoia. At the time, these regions (which include the Luo and Kalenjin) were administered from Uganda’s Eastern Province, especially the Kavirondo region.

The reasons for the transfer were mainly administrative convenience and economic logic: The new Uganda Railway from Mombasa ended at Kisumu, so managing the region from Nairobi was easier. Further, Kenya was becoming a settler colony, and the British wanted fertile highlands to fall under that jurisdiction. Thus, for the sake of railway logistics and settler interests, Britain’s pen moved millions of people – and their destiny – from Uganda to Kenya.

The Luo and Kalenjin are twin pillars of Kenyan power – towering, unyielding, and elemental to the nation’s story. The Luo, eloquent and visionary, are the intellectual firebrands and conscience-keepers of Kenya, forever stirring the waters of reform and awakening. The Kalenjin, disciplined and strategic, are the quiet engineers of authority, masters of structure and survival. Together, they have defined Kenya’s politics, driven its economy, and personified its ambition – two peoples whose reach and resilience make them not just participants in history, but the very forces that bend it.

Consider Jaramogi Oginga Odinga. Luo by tribe, born in 1911 in Central Nyanza, he was one of the leading figures in Kenya’s struggle for independence. He was Kenya’s vice president, serving under Jomo Kenyatta (1964-1966) before falling out as all true Odingas do. Then his son Raila, we all know; he nearly became president on several occasions and once served as prime minister under Jomo Kenyatta’s son, Uhuru Kenyatta (2008-2013).

And how about a certain William Samoei Ruto, a Kalenjin, deputy president 2013-2022 and current president? That also means we have to talk about the earlier icon of the Kalenjin: Daniel Toroitich arap Moi, Kenya’s second president (1978-2002). Kenya has had three Kikuyu presidents and two Kalenjins. The Kikuyu have held the presidency longer – about 35 years – compared to the Kalenjin’s 27 (and counting). The Kikuyu dominated Kenya’s early and later politics through the Kenyatta and Kibaki dynasties, and the Uhuru era continued that lineage. The Kalenjin, though fewer in number, had the longest single presidency in Moi (24 years – the longest continuous rule in Kenya’s history).

Had the British not redrawn Uganda’s borders, consequently keeping within her fold men like Jaramogi and Raila Odinga, Daniel arap Moi, William Ruto, and many more, Ugandan politics would have taken a wholly different course. There would be no National Resistance Movement. No Yoweri Museveni. The Odingas and Mois were too sharp, strategic, and politically muscular. Their mix of intellect, charisma, and tactical brilliance would have made Uganda a crucible of vibrant, competitive politics. Power would rotate, Opposition would thrive, and the idea of one party dominating the State for decades would be unthinkable in such a political ecosystem. Usiku mwema, Bwana Raila. Mungu na akupokea kwa amani.