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Uganda hosts more than 50 mineral types, according to the country’s latest geological data from the Energy ministry. These include 31 million tonnes of gold, 560 million tonnes of iron ore, and 7.8 million tonnes of copper.

Added together (ignoring costs, losses, taxes, non-recoverable portions), the total ‘paper’ value for these minerals is at least $4-5 trillion, according to current market financial data.

The Finance ministry says mining can help grow Uganda’s economy from $54b (Shs186 trillion) today to 10 times bigger in the next 15 years. Progress, however, is very slow. Mining contributes only two percent to the country’s total gross domestic product (GDP).

Decades ago, big projects like the Kilembe copper mine were at the heart of the sector, producing more than 217,000 tonnes of copper along with cobalt and phosphates. Other mines for tungsten, tin, and niobium also thrived in places like Kitaka, Mwerasandu, Kirwa, and Ruhizha between the 1930s and 1960s. But by the early 1980s, this mining boom had collapsed.

Kilembe shut down in 1982 as machines broke down, costs rose, inflation hit hard, and copper prices fell globally. Political instability was also part of it. The other mines also closed after mineral prices dropped, government support was cut, infrastructure declined, and investors pulled out. With large-scale mining gone, artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) became the backbone of the sector.

Today, more than 80 percent of Uganda’s miners work in ASM. Between 2014 and 2021, ASM generated about Shs713.5m in revenue.

But ASM faces serious problems. Miners often use simple, outdated tools that waste resources, damage the environment, and reduce government revenue. Working conditions are unsafe, and most miners lack training, finance, and proper equipment. For many families, ASM is a way to survive, but it keeps the mining sector stuck at a very low level. To address this, the government introduced the Mining and Minerals Act (2022) and the Licensing Regulations (2023)-the first serious attempt to formalise ASM.

Phoebe Atukunda, a research fellow in extractives with the Advocates Coalition for Development and Environment (Acode), describes it as ‘a progressive law that actually aligns with the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) protocol on illegal exploitation of minerals, the Mining Vision 2040 as well as Uganda being a member of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI).’

But on the ground, implementation is still difficult. The licensing process was designed for larger, semi-mechanised operations; not small artisanal miners. To get even a small-scale licence, miners must pay for costly feasibility studies and full Environmental and Social Impact Assessments (ESIAs).

In Uganda, the official licensing scheme lists an application fee of Shs10m for small-scale licences. The actual cost of the ESIA + feasibility work, in reality, can run into the hundreds of thousands of dollars-far beyond what most artisanal miners can afford.

Women-who make up between 15 and 90 percent of workers at different sites-face even greater financial and social barriers, despite gender equality being part of the law. As a result, many miners remain outside the formal system, relying on informal leasing and title transfers that weaken oversight.

‘We are working closely with the National Environmental Management Authority (Nema) to address the cost of the studies and reduce the time it takes to obtain approval,’ says Irene Batebe, the Energy ministry Permanent Secretary.

To speed things up, the ministry’s Health, Safety, and Environment Department also helps Nema review applications. Still, gaps remain. There are no clear rules on how artisanal miners and big companies can share land, leading to conflicts.

With support from the planetGOLD project, the government has helped miners form cooperatives, and more than 10 have already been formalised. Still, exploration-the foundation of large-scale mining-remains underfunded; even though the mining budget is set to rise to Shs51.2b in the 2025/26 financial year.

This is a drop in the ocean. It is also far less than the Shs68.8b lost in gold tax leakages and Shs439b in unpaid mineral rents last year, according to the Auditor General’s 2023/2024 report.

Eric Odongo, a development economist warns: ‘Without consistent funding for exploration, Uganda risks knowing it is rich without ever becoming rich. Artisanal mining will never create the kind of value needed for real transformation; only structured, well-funded exploration and development can do that.’

The missing link

Geologists agree that exploration is the bedrock of any serious mining industry. The government has tried to enhance its feeble presence by setting up an exploration unit and building laboratories, but the resources remain too thin for a sector intent on growing its contribution to the economy from $1.1b (Shs3.7 trillion) today to $20b (Shs68.9 trillion) by 2040. The government has started new investments.

In 2025/2026, the Mineral Development budget aims to fund work like measuring mineral deposits, issuing licences, developing copper, iron ore and phosphate projects, and setting up mineral markets, processing centres, and training hubs. This falls under the Energy ministry’s Shs2.9 trillion budget, of which Shs1.586 trillion goes to the energy and mineral sector, including mineral exploration.

The Uganda National Mining Company (UNMC), a state-owned enterprise, has also been capitalised-up to Shs500b over five years-to manage the government’s commercial stake in projects.

‘We have strengthened enforcement mechanisms to ensure remittance of non-wage revenue from minerals.

Any remaining gaps continue to be addressed. Non-Tax Revenue from minerals rose to Shs39.3b in 2024/2025, up from Shs25.2b in 2023/2024, and Shs11.3b in 2022/2023,’ Batebe discloses, adding that exploration remains a priority as new partnerships with the European Union’s PanAfGeo project to expand survey work attest.

Under PanAfGeo+, Uganda has a pound 3.5m (Shs14b) ‘country window’ aimed at strengthening geological data, upgrading labs, training geoscientists, and creating a national minerals database. At the same time, the government is trying to bring more order to mineral trade.

New Mineral Markets and Buying Centres are being rolled out to formalise transactions, improve transparency, and strengthen tax collection.

‘These markets will regulate the buying and selling of minerals, empower artisanal miners, and curb illicit trade,’ Batebe explains. Yet watchdogs remain concerned. The Uganda Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (UGEITI) 2022/2023 report scored the mineral development programme just 60.9 percent, citing underfunding and an overreliance on artisanal mining.

‘We are starving exploration while haemorrhaging revenues downstream. If we invested just a fraction of the money we lose into exploration, Uganda could build a mining industry that pays for itself,’ Odongo stresses.

Exploration is the most expensive and riskiest stage. Companies are rarely willing to spend millions drilling unless they already have strong evidence that valuable minerals are there. That is why, in most mineral-rich countries, governments step in first, paying for surveys, maps, and data that make investors feel safer.

In Uganda, this step has been missed. The country has many minerals, but most of them remain only a promise on paper.

As Richard Kaijuka, former Energy minister and chair of the Uganda Chamber of Mines and Petroleum, notes, Uganda’s minerals remain ‘underexploited,’ and with proper investment the sector’s share of GDP could rise well above the current 2.2 percent.

The 2024 UGEITI validation report shows this clearly. Uganda scored well in outreach and engagement (78.5 percent), but its overall score dropped to 67.5 percent because contracts were not clear and reliable data was missing.

Mineral Exploration Fund

That is why there is an idea of a Mineral Exploration Fund – a special pool of money set aside only for exploration. Instead of depending on government budgets that change with politics, the Fund could be supported by a 1.0 percent levy on all mineral exports, whose total value is estimated at around $3b (Shs10.3 trillion) annually, driven primarily by gold, according to the latest data compiled by Bank of Uganda. This would guarantee steady funding. If managed openly and fairly.

‘A ring-fenced fund is not just about money; it is about credibility. Investors respond when they see a government systematically de-risking exploration. It signals seriousness, discipline, and a long-term vision,’ Odongo observes.

Government insists exploration is already a priority. Money from the Consolidated Fund continues to support surveys and studies. ‘We have also secured $12m (Shs41.3 trillion) from development partners which has been earmarked to support exploration and quantification,’ says PS Batebe.

But for a Mineral Exploration Fund to work, it must be protected from politics and business capture.

‘Working together with other relevant Ministries, Departments, and Agencies …, this [Energy and Mineral development] Ministry continues to strengthen systems to provide security of tenure to investors and guarantee the transparent management of mineral revenues,’ notes PS Batebe.

This shows that success will not depend only on how much money is put into the Fund, but also on whether its management convinces both investors and citizens that resources will be handled openly and fairly.

Other countries prove this can work. In South Africa and Australia, small protected funds for exploration unlocked big private investments and boosted their mining industries.

The death of the former Prime Minister of Kenya, Raila Amolo Odinga, this week, brought memories of our days at university watching the evolving shift from single to multi-party politics, across Africa, with Kenya leading the charge.

In 1992, then president Daniel arap Moi appeared to be under intense pressure from a group called the Forum for Restoration of Democracy (FORD). The group was promising in terms of leadership potential, for it had young activist lawyers such as Paul Muite and James Orengo, working with some elderly politicians such as Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Martin Shikuku, Kenneth Matiba, Charles Rubia, Masinde Muliro and Gitobu Imanyara. It was the first united opposition we were seeing in the Kenyan political landscape since 1982, when the country became, by law, a one-party state under KANU.

We studied closely the biting political communication at the opposition rallies, the dramatic scenes of demonstrations to Kamukunji, the arrests, trials, imprisonments and the reaction of then 28-year-old KANU government to this onslaught.

We were young and smitten by a popular youthful government in Uganda. The National Resistance Movement (NRM) had restricted multiparty politics, and we were not sure what signalling effect Kenyan politics would send to Kampala.

Five years prior, on December 14, 1987, Kenya and Uganda had amassed troops at their respective borders in preparation for a possible fight. We had held our breath, given that Uganda was just coming out of a difficult period of scarcity, where essential goods were rare. Kenya was our key supplier and outlet to the world for almost everything!

Lo and behold, the opposition splintered before our eyes into FORD-Asili led by Mr Kenneth Matiba and FORD-Kenya led by Jaramogi Oginga Odinga. Shockingly, as if the first split wasn’t lesson enough, more splits happened largely on tribal lines. What was a large, united and promising opposition with elders, women and youth, lost to president Moi, who pressed home his advantage twice in 1992 and 1997. The Kenya opposition scenario almost became a script for many new opposition parties built at the end of the Cold War in 1989, in Africa. They all seemed to have much heat but little light on unity and how to acquire and hold power.

Regardless, what followed as a permanent fixture in the next 33 years was the late Raila Odinga, a towering figure in the hearts and minds of East Africans. It is not an exaggeration to argue, as an outsider to Kenya politics, the country would have been unstable without his steadying hand.

I watched him stand next to former president Uhuru Kenyatta, after a disputed 2017 election, and say, ‘.we are all sailing on one ship. We must all come together to scoop out the water that has been sipping in or we shall all capsize.’

It was a very reassuring image of a statesman setting down his wishes for the greater good of his country and the region. And boy, did he do it well! I saw him many times, from the post-election violence of 2007 through to the last one in which he ran against President William Ruto in 2022. He always returned to the scene to pull the country from the brink, courageously calming the storms, standing head-to-head with his opponents, in pursuit of the greater interest of Kenya.

For many in the region, we think he kept Kenya calm and united because an unstable Kenya is unthinkable, for it would disrupt trade, transportation and culture as a few weeks of 2007 post-election violence showed. Raila Odinga reconciled differences and kept his country growing, even if he never led from the top as president. This makes one wonder: what would Kenya look like had he been given a chance to lead?

We will never know because this is a conjectural question; one we cannot answer without speculating. But as an active participant in all administrations after Moi, one can see his hand in the good public works when he was prime minister, the unrelenting fight for democracy and the yearning to lead the Africa Union. The larger question that perhaps young people in Kenya should answer, is: who will fill these big shoes given the realignment that is taking place with this loss? I suppose there are many young people who will surprise us and raise to the occasion to emulate Raila and answer this question firmly.

Our condolences to Mama Ida Odinga, the family, President Ruto, the government and the people of Kenya.

The president of the National Unity Platform (NUP), Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, aka Bobi Wine, has clearly demonstrated, for the second time, that he is a popular politician. People really like him. They mob him. They want to listen to what he has to say. There is no doubt that Bobi Wine and jailed Opposition veteran Kizza Besigye are the only politicians President Museveni considers real challengers. The rest – and they are many – do not appeal to voters the way these two men do.

Bobi Wine’s campaign is going well – so far. In every district where he has held rallies, he has been greeted by cheering, delirious crowds. Some crowds are so huge that haters may start to claim the photos are digitally manipulated to make the crowds seem large. On the popularity test, Bobi Wine does considerably better than, apart from (perhaps) Dr Besigye, any presidential candidate who has tried to challenge Mr Museveni for the presidency.

No politician – including those who became politicians long before Bobi Wine knew he would join politics – has ever attracted crowds the way he has and secured a decent proportion of the vote. Next year’s election will bring to 33 the number of Ugandans who have run for president since 1996. The percentages won by well-known politicians in previous elections were laughably small. The percentages that will be won by new entrants such as Frank Kabinga Bulira, Mubarak Munyagwa and Nathan Nandala Mafabi, will not be any different.

In 2021, Bobi Wine polled 35.08 percent. This contrasts sharply with that of Patrick Oboi Amuriat (3.26 percent in 2021), Gen Mugisha Muntu (0.65 percent in 2021), Amama Mbabazi (1.39 percent in 2016) and Nobert Mao (1.86 percent in 2011 and 0.56 percent in 2021). Bidandi Ssali, who said he doubts Bobi Wine can lead Uganda, polled 0.44 percent in 2011. Beti Kamya got 0.66 percent in 2011; Abed Bwanika won 0.90 percent in 2016; 0.65 percent in 2011 and 0.95 percent in 2006; Aggrey Awori secured 1.4 percent in 2001; John Ssebaana Kizito polled 1.58 percent in 2006; and Paul Ssemogerere garnered 23.6 percent in 1996.

While Bobi Wine’s rallies are well attended and he continues to pull crowds like a magnet, it is not clear whether the crowds will translate into votes.

Crowds are made up by all sorts of people. Some are not even registered voters. Others support Bobi Wine’s political nemesis, Museveni, but turn up to be part of the excitement and because they do not have better things to do. As things stand, and if I may use social media speak, Bobi Wine has ‘likes’, not ‘shares’ and ‘comments’. Many people know that liking something on social media does not necessarily mean you understand it, you have taken time to engage with it.

Crowds have proven to be deceptive in past elections. When Mr Mbabazi declared in 2014 that he would challenge Mr Museveni in the 2016 race, he visited eastern Uganda and attracted decent crowds, but they did not translate into winning votes.

In 1996, the DP’s (late) Ssemogerere finished his campaign in Mukono and on his way back to Kampala, he had mammoth crowds stretching miles on Jinja Road.

But Ssemogerere did not even win at a polling station in Nkumba, where he cast his ballot. Bobi Wine’s challenge lies in not having enough capacity to hunt votes in every single village in Uganda. Mr Museveni and his ruling NRM have that capacity. If Mr Museveni is addressing a large rally, say, in Nebbi, there is a good chance that his campaign managers will comb every village in the district looking for votes.

Mzee retired from the army in 2004, some 18 years after his army seized power. On the day he retired, April 6, the president of Lithuania, Rolandas Paksas, was peacefully removed from office through impeachment. Before signing his army resignation letter with a simple ‘Tubonge Nawe’, the army promoted Mzee to the rank of full General with refrains of ‘Sevo, Sevo’ audibly fragrant on that day.

“This is the first time in history that we have an army officer of the forces, commander-in-chief of the army, who is also president of Uganda, retiring voluntarily in accordance with the rule of law,” said a certain super minister as he awarded Mzee a gift made of glass, stone and metal during a ceremony at the Bombo barracks. Mzee, in his nearly two-hour speech, was of two minds about it all. “I need to retire in order to fight new battles,’ he said, before asking for a Kanzu to replace his olive-green military duds.

Mzee reportedly received his Kanzu. However, nobody has ever seen him wear it. According to our three-letter security agencies, the Kanzu was stolen by the Opposition to prove Mzee can never be smart. They left his trousers, though, to prove he can be a smarty-pants.

On top of that, they need him to wear pants so they can say “Liar, liar pants on fire” whenever they hear him say anything. Losing his Kanzu has forced Mzee to wear military attire for every major function where it is necessary to remind attendees that he should never be triggered. So, he shows up as Kiruhura’s answer to Rambo, drawing First Blood in his ongoing war with the fashion police.

Commentators are wondering why Mzee just can’t get another Kanzu. Mzee says he tried, but his aides and helpers heard him ask for a ‘Kenzo’ instead. That’s how he ended up with a new presidential advisor instead of a new Kanzu. Indeed, the phrase “the clothing makes the man’ applies to Kenzo’s ascension.

All boils down to English

Speaking of clothing, Ugandans have dressed Mzee up as Mr Jones. He was the original owner of Manor Farm in George Orwell’s Animal Farm. Jones was overthrown by the animals in a rebellion. Subsequently, all those who wish to replace Mzee will become him. It all boils down to English, I’m afraid. In English, the word ‘Jonesing’ means to have a strong need, desire, or craving for something. So, if a person has an insatiable craving for the presidency, they are said to be jonesing for it and acting like Jones because of it.

Language has the power to shape our reality. That’s why many see the image of the Messiah carrying the cross. And others, observing the same image, see a rabbi schlepping around wood. It’s a question of perspective. The Opposition says they did not steal Mzee’s Kanzu. Their perspective is that Mzee secretly exported the Kanzu eight years ago when he gifted Equatorial Guinea president Obiang Nguema with a Kanzu at State House, Entebbe.

The Equatoguinean politician, a former military officer who has served as the second president of Equatorial Guinea since 1979, reportedly passed the Kanzu to his vice president, who happens to be his son. If the Opposition is right, we might also see our future vice president wearing a Kanzu on top of his CDF uniform.

The Kanzu helps deal with individual challenges among African leaders when mailed back and forth between them. Just like it was in The Sisterhood of the Travelling Pants, a young adult novel series and subsequent film franchise about four best friends who share a magical pair of jeans that perfectly fits all of them despite their different body types.

This brotherhood of the travelling Kanzu explains why Uganda and Equatorial Guinea have had the same rulers for so long. The word ‘Kanzu’ means ‘robe’ and when it is in Equatorial Guinea, the emperor is disrobed in Uganda. When it is in Uganda, the emperor is disrobed in Equatorial Guinea. The movement of the Kanzu (between each country) represents a new low of rulership wherever it might be absent. That’s why we need the Kanzu back in Uganda as soon as possible. That way, our electoral grievances are redressed.

Police’s Directorate of Traffic and Road Safety has, for more than five years now, been running a toll-free telephone line through which members of the public are encouraged to report cases of indiscipline on the roads. It is difficult to establish whether the number, 0800199099, is widely known and utilised by the public.

Police could not provide the number of reports made through this line, but there is anecdotal evidence to suggest that a significant number of reports concern the conduct of drivers of vehicles owned by government agencies and departments.

Scenes of pedestrians jumping into a roadside ditch or motorists ending up in a ditch because they were trying to avoid a speeding government vehicle are quite commonplace. Drivers of the fleets of government vehicles, most of them tinted and equipped with sirens, continue to defy traffic regulations by, among other things, defying speed limits and red lights, speeding past school zones, bullying other road users off the roads, speeding through zebra crossings or driving on the pedestrian walkways and pavements.

These acts give the impression that the laws that the traffic police officers often invoke when they flag down privately owned cars only apply to the poor and the powerless. The impunity of those who drive cars with red or blue registration number plates has to stop. Traffic officers have a duty to swing into action and end this impunity. The Traffic and Road Safety Act never placed government-owned vehicles above the law.

The automated Express Penalty System (EPS) and traffic regulations, which the government put on hold to allow for a review of some of the controversies around it, present the country with the best opportunity to deal with drivers of vehicles with red and blue registration number plates. The EPSAuto had been designed to detect violations like speeding and running the red-lights, capture and process the vehicle or motorcycle registration number plate complete with details, including the point at which the traffic offense was committed, the time it was committed, provide photographic or video evidence of the crime and generate an E-fine, all of which was to be logged into the Intelligent Transport Management System (ITMS) database against the violating vehicle or motorcycle.

In the case of government cars, the e-fine tickets were meant to be sent to the accounting officer, who would in turn take it up with the errant drivers. This presents the best opportunity of dealing with the drivers of those red and blue registration number plates.

Joshua Cheptegei got the desired improvement in his elite road running chapter but only missed out on the victory at the Amsterdam Marathon in the Netherlands yesterday.

The 29-year-old inched closer to a maiden podium finish over the 42km by taking a strong fifth-place finish in the Dutch capital with a time of two hours, four minutes and 52 seconds.

Yet, Cheptegei showed marks of improvement. For his third marathon, he produced a third straight personal best (PB) mark even if he did not capitalize on the attention to beat the tape first.

‘Again, a PB with more than a minute,’ his coach Addy Ruiter told this paper. ‘Another few marathons, and he can run with the best,’ he added.

In his first marathon, Cheptegei took a distant 37th place at the 2023 Valencia Marathon in Spain with 2:08:59 but he got much better with ninth place at the Tokyo Marathon in Japan with 2:05:59 on March 2.

On Sunday, Cheptegei carried the attention of the broadcasters with the expectation of a first marathon win in Amsterdam. However, he did not have it all in the closing 7km to mount the best challenge.

Instead, Kenyan Geofry Toroitich Kipchumba had the best day as he broke away with 5km left to win in a course record time of 2:03:30, beating the previous mark set by Ethiopian Tamirat Tola by eight seconds.

The three-time Olympic medalist Cheptegei and defending champion Ethiopian Tsegay Getachew featured prominently on the commentators’ lips and both stayed in the lead group which crossed 10km in 29:16.

The lead group was being guided by pace makers including Cheptegei’s training partner Ugandan Stephen Kissa.

At halfway stage, they crossed in 1:02:15 which was about four seconds under the course record. Thereafter, Kissa put the pace up and only 13 men seemed to stick with him including Tanzanian Gabriel Gaey.

When Cheptegei slowed down to pick his drink from Tim te Brake of Global Sports Communication at 27km, it all seemed perfect.

The men however were still together while approaching the Johan Cruyff Arena but shortly after, Ethiopian Mesfin Negus dropped off. At 30km, Kissa dropped off but he had moved the field eight seconds into the course record time at 1:28:25.

Moments later, Gaey, winner of this year’s Daegu Marathon in South Korea, charged and took six more men only with him at 31.5km, with Cheptegei at the back of the group.

On 34km, Gaey repeated the trick and this time, only Kipchumba, Getachew and Getaneh Molla followed and here’s where Cheptegei lost the grip.

Whereas they were still in his sight, Kipchumba and Gaey began peeling away and at 36km, Kipchumba took off his black gloves to firmly embrace the battle for the victory.

Kipchumba kept grinding all the way to the finish line before he was hugged by athletics great Ethiopian Haile Gerbreselassie.

For Cheptegei, the growth into marathon can only get better, perhaps with a bigger test in the World Marathon Majors (WMM) of London or Boston next April.

WORLD ATHLETICS PLATINUM LABEL RACE

AMSTERDAM MARATHON

MEN’S 42KM RACE RESULTS

1 Geofry Toroitich Kipchumba (KEN) 2:03.30

2 Tsegaye Getachew (ETH) 2:04.18

3 Getaneh Molla (ETH) 2:04.19

4 Gabriel Geay (TAN) 2:04.36

5 Joshua Cheptegei (UGA) 2:04.52

CHEPTEGEI AT A GLANCE

Date of birth: September 12, 1996

Major Races: Half-Marathon, Marathon

Personal Bests: 21km (59:21), 42km (2:04:59)

Coach: Addy Ruiter

International Manager: Youri Verbaas

Kit Sponsor: Nike

CHEPTEGEI IN 2025

Oct 19: Amsterdam Marathon (5th, 2:04:52)

Apr 27: Bengaluru 10K (1st, 27:53)

Mar 2: Tokyo Marathon (9th, 2:05:59)

CHEPTEGEI IN 2024

Oct 20: Delhi Half Marathon (1st, 59:46)

Sept 22: Dam tot Damloop (2nd, 45:18)

Aug 2: Paris Olympics 10000m Final (1st, 26:43.14)

May 30: Bislett Games 5000m (9th, 12:51.94)

May 17: LA Grand Prix 5000m (3rd, 12:52.38)

Mar 30: World X-Country (6th, 28:24)

Mar 16: Laredo 10K (2nd, 25:53)

CHEPTEGEI IN 2023

Dec 3: Valencia Marathon (37th, 2:08:59)

Aug 20: Budapest Worlds 10000m Final (1st, 27:51.42)

June 30: Lausanne DL (2nd, 12:41.61)

Jun 2: Florence DL (4th, 12:53.81)

Mar 19: New York Half-Marathon (2nd, 1:02:09)

Feb 18: World X-Country (3rd, 29:37)

Kira Municipality Member of Parliament (MP) Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda recently went toe-to-toe with Attorney General Kiryowa Kiwanuka. I saw the two oral pugilists going at it, as it were, on UBC TV. As is his wont, Mr Ssemujju aired the government’s dirty linen before tailing off with the words: ‘We can pretend about this, but that’s where we are.’ The Attorney General replied with what Sir Winston Churchill would have described as a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma. ‘The President is the one who led by example, but now you are telling him that he’s the one who broke the law. How?’ retorted Mr Kiwanuka.

It was as if the Attorney General thinks President Museveni’s position does not evolve or devolve. Instead, it ossifies around notions which do not reflect reality. I don’t know what that’s called in law. But in English, it’s pettifogging. To be fair, I have never viewed Mr Ssemujju as a debater. His analytical skills and critical thinking are rarely part of his verbal artillery when speaking truth to power. Instead, his style of argumentation betrays a bluff and blunt tendency to paint those with whom he disagrees with a broad brush. His long suit is thus uncovering truths, not interrogating them. By this, he pushes emotional buttons while omitting hot-button issues, which ponder larger, deeper questions.

This explains why so many people listen to him. You see, he is a discussant and not a debater. The latter are out of joint with the political anatomy of Uganda. That’s because we do not have a tradition of debate. In countries like America, this tradition is rich. There are awards orbiting about championships like the Great Communicator Debate Series to national and intercollegiate recognitions such as the National Debate Tournament, the Julia Burke Award for high school “policy debaters,” and the All-American Debate Squad Award from the Cross Examination Debate Association.

Thanks to oral tradition, the practice of passing down cultural actualities through spoken word instead of written records, we prefer to talk to and not talk at one another. Ugandans are generally not confrontational. Hence, debating, which calls for a battle of wits, not their synergy, does violence to the notion of communitarianism implied by said accommodation. This explains why Ugandans have often called for a national dialogue but never a national debate. A dialogue is a ‘conversation’, which is the less serious or structured version of a discussion.

Accordingly, we must appreciate that discussants like Mr Ssemujju are crucial to any democratic form. In debate, journalist Andrew Mwenda is right: Ssemujju’s ‘intellectual quality’ tends to be dimmed by the low road he takes on high-minded issues. In our context, however, his preference for exposés over expositions plays to his strengths as a journalist. Although a Muslim, he often reminds Ugandan Christians to level up by the way he brings up topics which most of us would never dare air in public.

If you recall the metaphor “salt and light” from Jesus’ Sermon on the Mount in the Gospel of Matthew, you will remember that it refers to Christians’ role in the world. As salt, believers are meant to act as a preservative against corruption and decay, while as light, they are called to expose truth and illuminate the world.

Ssemujju personifies this metaphor. While some intellectuals fault him for not bending the arc of that metaphor towards wonkish debates, which place questions about fiscal policy above answers to who gets what and for how long with respect to sharing the national cake. Until we understand debate, such Ssemujjuan discussions must continue shaping our politics.

In the colonial era, as Europeans traversed Africa, many acquired treasured objects from indigenous communities, offering in exchange manufactured items and materials from their homelands. Among these were artefacts that held profound cultural, spiritual, and historical significance.

Decades later, some of them have begun to return to their countries of origin. Across Africa, nations such as Nigeria, Benin, Cameroon, Namibia, and the DR Congo have received or are in the process of reclaiming cultural treasures taken during the colonial period.

Nigeria, for instance, has welcomed back several iconic pieces looted from the royal palace of Benin in 1897, while France has returned royal artifacts to Benin (West Africa) that once belonged to the Kingdom of Dahomey. Germany has pledged the return of the Ngonnso’ statue to Cameroon and other sacred objects to Namibia, and Belgium has begun repatriating thousands of items to the DR Congo, acknowledging their profound historical and cultural significance.

Building on this continental trend, Uganda has joined the movement through the loan of 39 artefacts returned by the University of Cambridge Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology in 2024.

Through the Ethics of loaning exhibition organised by Alliance Française Kampala and Goethe-Zentrum Kampala, supported by a Franco-German fund, 15 of these artefacts are being displayed at the Nommo Gallery in Kampala, giving the public a rare opportunity to reconnect with Uganda’s cultural heritage.

Peter Primus, the deputy head of mission at the Germany Embassy, he highlighted Germany’s commitment to addressing the legacy of its colonial past. Primus explained that this process involves acknowledging historical injustices, seeking forgiveness, and returning cultural artefacts and ancestral remains, all carried out in close dialogue with the governments, communities, and diaspora of former colonies.

He emphasised that while restitution is not merely about the return of objects, it represents respect for cultures and histories, and the restoration of memory and dignity for those affected by colonial-era expropriations.

He said, ‘Such initiatives, he noted, contribute to justice, reconciliation, and the building of a shared future grounded in equality and mutual respect.’

Additionally, Francis Peter Ojede, the executive director of the Uganda National Cultural Centre (UNCC) welcomed the exhibition as a significant milestone in the country’s ongoing engagement with its cultural heritage. Ojede emphasised that the display of returned artefacts offers a platform for critical reflection on issues of cultural justice, ownership, and historical accountability.

Exhibitions like this, he says, encourage Ugandans and visitors to engage in dimensions of restitution, fostering a deeper understanding of how colonial-era expropriation continues to shape contemporary cultural narratives.

The cultural artefacts exhibition

On a chilly evening of October 3, hundreds of curators, diplomats, scholars, and community representatives gathered at Nommo Gallery in Nakasero to witness the opening of the Ugandan artefacts exhibition. The event featured a series of activities, including large-format photographic displays, immersive virtual reality experiences of items restituted in 1962 and 2024, and expert discussions examining the ethical and political dimensions of restitution. The exhibition, which runs until October 24, offers visitors an engaging opportunity to reflect on Uganda’s cultural heritage and its journey of reclaiming history.

Among the artefacts on display are traditional regalia, musical instruments, and ritual objects that once held deep cultural and spiritual meaning. Each piece is accompanied by a detailed description indicating what it is, the year it was collected, and by whom. Together, these artefacts tell stories of artistry, identity, and memory, offering visitors a profound glimpse into Uganda’s rich and diverse heritage.

Some of the notable items on display include royal emblems, ceremonial tools, and ancestral figures that once held deep cultural and spiritual meaning. Among them is a white linen Kanzu which was worn by men and chiefs in Buganda, a head pad previously owned by chief (Rwot) Atiak, a headdress called Otok from Lango used for performing ceremonial dances.

The exhibition also features a beaded headband with a zigzag pattern traditionally worn by Ankole women during marriage ceremonies, and a Buganda royal drum adorned with beads and cowrie shells.

The collection further includes the Queen Mother’s royal drum from Bunyoro, a wooden trough from Ankole played privately by women, and a Bunyoro shield made of plant fibre reinforced with leather.

Other rare pieces are ngato, a leather divination card from Buganda once used to seek the favour of the god Mwanga; engyemeko, crafted from black earthenware from Ankole, and ejjembe, a spiritual object made from a clawed creature covered in barkcloth, alongside another version made from a crocodile tooth and animal hide used for spiritual protection.

Also on display is a royal oval wooden meat dish carved from musogo wood, believed to have been used by King Andereya Bisereko Duhaga II of Bunyoro, a shield made from thick hippopotamus hide with a wooden handle and a black milk pot used for drinking milk, both from Bunyoro. While these were taken during the colonial era and preserved for decades in European museums, their presence at the gallery mark a symbolic homecoming, rekindling conversations about ownership, preservation, and the value of cultural memory.

This is because such artefacts trace the evolution of our culture from the past to the present, helping to define the direction in which society is heading. They also serve as valuable resources for research and cultural preservation. One of the guests, Timothy Wasswa Kisuule, a member of the Ndiga clan, remarked that the ejjembe made from a clawed creature holds deep significance for his clan, as it reminds him of a revered elder.

He expressed hope that the artefact could one day be returned to their clan as part of reclaiming their cultural heritage. Many other visitors shared a sense of awe, with some rediscovering stories passed down by elders, and others gaining a deeper appreciation of Uganda’s diverse cultural legacy.

Impact

Phillip Balimunsi, a curator, emphasised that exhibitions of this kind have the potential to position Uganda as a leading destination for cultural and heritage tourism.

He explained that by offering an immersive experience that combines history, artistry, and national identity, such exhibitions can attract local and international visitors, complementing the country’s well-established wildlife and ecotourism offerings.

Balimunsi highlighted that the gallery itself, originally created as a space for researchers to study Uganda’s cultural past, now serves a broader purpose. By showcasing artefacts that reflect centuries of Ugandan heritage, the exhibition allows visitors to engage directly with the nation’s historical and spiritual narratives.

He added that this dual role of preserving knowledge for scholars while educating the public enhances the gallery’s appeal as a cultural tourism hub.

Furthermore, Balimunsi noted that presenting the artefacts within the context of ethical restitution encourages critical reflection among visitors about colonial history, ownership, and cultural justice.

‘By combining aesthetic appreciation with historical and ethical education, we not only strengthen Uganda’s tourism profile but also foster a deeper understanding of the country’s cultural identity and the ongoing journey of reclaiming its heritage.’

A taxing second day, on Friday, at the 10th edition of the Africa Aquatics Zone III Swimming Championships at Kasarani Stadium Nairobi saw defending champions Uganda continue to show presence.

But hosts Kenya are not far off as they dominated the relays to show their balance in squad selection. Dark horses Tanzania dominated the 200m events but generally the second day was more taxing as swimmers had to catch up with the events, including the opening ceremony, that were cancelled on Day One following the death of former Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga.

The president of Africa Aquatics Mohamed Diop – who swam at Kasarani at the Africa Games in 1987 – and Kenya’s Cabinet Secretary for Youth Affairs, Creative Economy, and Sports Salim Mvurya joined Zone III president Donald Rukare in opening the event.

In the pool, Uganda were initially hard done as a crucial examination coincided with their female star Tara Kisawuzi’s morning events.

17 and Over

Kisawuzi, the only girl in the 17 and Over age group, missed the 100m butterfly (one of her favourite events), 50m backstroke, and the 4x50m medley relay in the expanded 15 and Over age group.

Kisawuzi, however, returned to win Uganda gold in the 200m breaststroke (3:13.55), 100m backstroke (1:13.91), and 200m freestyle (2:21.15).

Pendo Kaumi brought home bronze in the senior boys’ 100m fly (1:00.63) while Kyle Kaweesa (1:03.36) was 6th in a very fast race won by Sudan’s Saleem Mohamed Ziyad (57.20) followed by Kenya’s Johari Masinde (59.63).

Malcolm Nahamya (30.43) lost a medal place to Burundi’s Flack Zacharie Harinzimana (30.05) by microseconds in the senior boys’ 50m back where Ziyad (27.90) and Tanzania’s Romeo-Mihaly Mwaipasi (29.36) dominated. Mathew Mwase was 5th in the 50m back (31.06) but 4th in the 100m (1:06.92) behind bronze medalist and teammate Kaumi (1:06.26), runner-up Mwaipasi (1:04.60), and winner Ziyad (58.64).

Kyle (2:41.89) and captain Ampaire Namanya (2:46.24) took the seniors’ 200m breaststroke gold and silver.

Kaumi went one better with silver in the 200m free (2:12.78) behind Kenya’s Nathan Matimu (2:04.07) while Jordan Munyikwa was 5th (2:16.79).

15-16 Years

Peyton Suubi got the 15-16 girls’ 100m fly (1:11.61) gold while Paloma Kirabo (1:17.36) was 4th as was Ethani Ssengooba (1:05.18) in the boys’ category. Isaiah Kuc (1:04.05) bagged boys’ silver behind Kenya’s Victor Okech who was out like a light to clock 1:00.31.

Rahmah Nakasule (34.41) bagged the girls’ 50m back bronze behind Tanzania’s Filbertha Demello (33.00) and Kenya’s Ruth Wangari Lindkvist (34.39) while Kirabo (36.28) was 5th behind Burundi’s Lois Eliora Irishura (34.86). The first trio finished the same way in the 100m back with times 1:12.96, 1:14.42, and 1:16.82 while Kirabo was 4th (1:18.66).

Peterson Inhensiko (30.23) was second in the boys’ 50m back behind Okech (29.97) while Ssengooba was 4th (32.40) also behind Kenyan Igbaal Bayusuf (30.53). Inhensiko (1:05.10) was still second in the 100m but this time behind teammate Shaun Murungi (1:03.55) and ahead of a familiar face on the Kenyan team Joshua Andriatsitohaina (1:06.05).

Peyton also took 200m breaststroke gold (2:59.12) while Alexis Akol crawled from 5th place to take bronze (3:23.33), with an impressive final lap, behind Tanzania’s Bridget Heep (3:06.23).

For the boys, Kenya’s Neo Olengo (2:35.32) took gold with the best team across all age groups as his teammate Jeremy Kogo (2:49.87) finished 3rd behind Uganda’s Daniel Rukundo (2:40.87) and ahead of Kuc (2:51.03).

A third gold on the day for Peyton came through the 200m free (2:20.47) as Nakasule settled for 7th (2:37.66).

Kuc got his first gold in the boys’ 200m free (2:10.59) while Rukundo (2:15.28) got bronze behind Okech (2:14.43).

13-14 Years

Tyrah Muganzi got Uganda her first gold of the day in the 13-14 girls’ 100m fly (1:10.58) while teammate Mackayla Ssali (1:14.06) got silver. For the boys’ Jonathan Kaweesa also bagged gold (1:03.10) while teammate Benjamin Ssali (1:04.97) also bagged bronze behind Kenya’s Andrew Ogola (1:04.25).

Tanzania Crissa Dillip (31.32), Nigeria’s Alfred Boluwatife (33.55), and Kenya’s Aariana Barchha (33.94) pushed Zara Mbanga (34.02) and Crystal Ssemanda (35.42) to 4th and 5th in the girls’ 50m backstroke. Mbanga (1:14.21) got between Dillip (1:10.82) and Barchha (1:14.89) in the 100m back while Muganzi was 4th (1:14.99).

Jonathan (31.41) was just micros behind Tanzanian winner Kaysan Kachra (31.31) in the boys’ 50m back as Manuel Ssemanda (35.90) finished 8th. Jonathan, however, avenged in the 100m back (1:09.09) pushing Kachra to second (1:10.81) just micros ahead of Uganda’s Jayson Aronda (1:10.95).

In the 200m breaststroke Dillip (2:55.24) combined with teammate Nicolene Viljoen (2:58.42) to push Mbanga (2:59.71) to bronze while Theresa Kikambi (3:10.45) finished 6th behind a Kenyan duo.

For the boys, Jayson Aronda (2:56.22) kept pace for 150m behind teammate Elijah Mukisa (2:58.66 for silver) and Tanzania’s Delbert Kenemo (2:59.37 for bronze) then changed pace in the last 50m to take gold.

Jonathan (2:13.70) bagged his third gold for the day in the 200m freestyle as Benjamin (2:19.14) settled for bronze behind Kenya’s Tevin Waweru (2:16.50) while Dillip and Viljoen again pushed Muganzi (2:29.41) and Kikambi (2:31.53) to 4th and 5th in the girls’ race.

12 and Under

Alba Ihunde (1:18.57) and Ashton Regina Suubi (1:19.97) got Uganda started off with the day’s medals bagging silver and bronze in the 12 and Under girls’ 100m fly behind Tanzania’s Leyna Borega (1:15.81). For the boys, Elijah Ayesiga got silver (1:09.95) behind Kenya’s Don Ndirangu (1:07.92) while Jordan Musoke (1:16.01) finished 4th behind another Kenyan AbdulKadir AbdulKadir (1:13.33).

Nisha Pearl Najjuma won the age category’s 200m backstroke on Thursday and returned on Friday to show she’s queen of the stroke with 35.07 and 1:18.65 gold in the 50m and 100m backstroke respectively. Jinan Nakato (37.13) was 4th in the 50m while her twin sister Jehan Babirye (1:22.94) was 5th in the 100m.

She also won the 200m breaststroke (3:07.59) while teammate Ihunde (3:11.13) was 4th.

Kristian Bwisho (33.67) and Raymond Ssali (34.39) took silver and bronze respectively in the young boys’ 50m back behind Ndirangu (32.47). But Bwisho (1:16.06) recovered to win the 100m one ahead of AbdulKadir (1:17.08) and Ugandan teammate Ayesiga (1:17.44)

Ndirangu, however, returned to be a pain in the 200m breaststroke taking gold (2:57.53) away from Ugandan duo Ayesiga (2:59.93) and Jeremiah Ssempijja (3:06.44) which settled for silver and bronze respectively.

Ayesiga finally found gold in the 200m free (2:25.28) as Musoke (2:29.01) bagged silver while for the girls, Ashton (2:36.83) and Nakato (2:37.45) got silver and bronze.

Relays

In the 14 and Under 4x50m medley relays, Uganda’s girls represented by Crystal Ssemanda, Mackayla, Muganzi, and Gabriella Opolot were second (2:16.41) behind Kenya (2:15.77) as were the boys – represented by Jonathan, Kigundu Ssango, Benjamin Ssali, and Manuel Ssemanda – who clocked 2:02.24 to finish just a touch behind the hosts on 2:02.16.

Uganda still finished behind Kenya in both the 15 and Over 4x50m medley relays in the girls’ and boys’ category. The girls (2:21.82) who missed Kisawuzi and were represented by Peyton, Nakasule, Mwere, and Kirabo were dominated by the hosts (2:10.14).

The boys who included Mwase, Ampaire, Kuc, and Inhensiko missed out on gold by almost two seconds clocking 1:54.74 compared to Kenya’s 1:52.85.

In the mixed freestyle relays, Kenya (1:51.22) just about edged Uganda’s team of Jonathan, Mbanga, Mackayla, and Benjamin (1:52.28) in the 14 and Under category first, then did the same (1:46.40 compared to 1:47.72) in the 15 and Over category where Uganda was represented by Mwase, Kirabo, Kisawuzi, and Kaumi.

In the mixed medley relay, Uganda (2:08.31) put in a good position by Jonathan doing backstroke and both Mbanga and Muganzi chasing boys in the breaststroke and fly legs respectively got gold in the 14 and Over category after Manuel’s excellent freestyle performance to anchor.

In the 15 and Over, Uganda represented by Nakasule, Kyle, Pendo, and Peyton (in that order) finished third (2:03.97) behind Kenya (1:59.10) and Tanzania (2:01.85).

Masters

In the women masters’ 50m backstroke, Patricia Ejalu got Uganda her only gold in the 50-54 age group. Resty Kiwuka won silver in the 25-29 age group while Sandra Arinaitwe bagged bronze in 30-34 ahead of teammates Olivier Nalwadda, Belinda Illamai, and Kezia Wairimu who finished 4th, 5th, and 6th respectively.

Rachael Amito got the 35-39 silver as did Abisagi Mugenyi Namugenze in the 40-44 group where Dorothy Ssemanda was 4th.

For the men, Yuda Morris Ssekamatte, Uganda Aquatics vice president Peter Mugisha, and Peter Ssebanakitta got gold in the 35-39, 55-59, and 60 and Over age groups respectively.

Ivan Muhoozi got bronze in the 25-29 group as did Habib Yawe in the 30-34 and Patrick Magezi in the 55-59. Ismail Munaaba was 4th in the 45-49 men.

In 2005, musician Moses Ssali, alias Bebe Cool, released an album titled Kisanja. The word Kisanja was derived from esanja, which means a pile of dry banana leaves in Luganda, and came to be a term for giving anyone in office another term. President Museveni had campaigned in 2001 that the second term, as per the 1995 Constitution, ending in 2006, was his last. By 2003, manoeuvres to remove term limits to allow him a third term had started. Term limits were later removed in July 2005.

During the marking of the NRM’s 19th anniversary on January 26, at Kololo Independence Grounds, President Museveni and thousands of his supporters turned up wearing dry banana leaves. Hence, the word ‘ekisanja’ became synonymous with another term. Term limits were later removed in July 2005 after a section of MPs received an inducement of Shs5m. The title track of Bebe’s album was Bamuwe Ekisanja, musically expressing support for the incumbent’s third term bid. Kads Band’s Prossy Kankunda had also released Tumwongere ekisanja. Five years later, President Museveni took matters into his own hands, coming up with Another Rap, a song that earned him the title ‘The First Rap president’. This song was used at all his 2011 election campaign rallies.

Lines drawn

However, it was in 2015 that the line was drawn between politics and music. That year, a group of artistes, including Bebe Cool, Joseph Mayanja (Jose Chameleone), Juliana Kanyomozi, Iryn Namubiru, Pr Wilson Bugembe, Manisul Ssemanda (King Saha), Haruna Mubiru, Douglas Mayanja (Weasel), Moses Nakintije Ssekibogo (Mowzey Radio), Emmanuel Matovu Mungi (Mun G), Judith Babirye, and Rema Namakula teamed up on Tubonga Nawe (We are with you) as the 2016 election campaign anthem.

The song that spoke about the incumbent’s achievements in the entertainment sector was unveiled at an invite-only event at Speke Resort Munyonyo on October 16. Museveni reportedly gave the artists Shs400m for their Sacco. Despite the actual figures not being stipulated anywhere, it is said all participating artists pocketed at least Shs20m and Shs2m more on every campaign trail they performed on.

The song was a big deal not just because of the big names on the collaboration, but also because Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine, one of the biggest male acts, was not part of it. It wasn’t surprising because the music catalogue of the future MP and presidential aspirant is full of songs about political and social decay in the country.

Despite the participants reaping big from the song project, most of them did not enjoy it as the public decided to boycott them and everyone affiliated with NRM. They also came under attack from all corners, with lurid insults hurled at them. On several occasions, Bebe Cool, Catherine Kusasira, and Ibrahim Mayanja (Big Eye) were pelted with bottles every time they stepped on stage. It is even said that bookings for the participating artistes reduced tremendously.

Knives out

The situation became even more impassioned when the artistes came out on their public Facebook pages to defend themselves or clarify their involvement. Juliana Kanyomozi in a post on Facebook said: Ndi munnauganda nga abalala bonna. (I am Ugandan like everyone else). ‘It means we all have the same fundamental rights regardless of our positions in society, or political beliefs, or even life experiences. But there’s one thing that brings us together, and that’s humanity, obuntu.’ the songbird added. Her critics even went as far as using the passing of her son in 2014 at the Aga Khan Hospital in Nairobi as a reference point for the moribund state of the healthcare system at home. It was the last time she publicly associated with a political project.

When Bobi Wine entered politics, first as Kyadondo East MP, then went to crusade for candidates in the by-elections in Arua Municipality, Bugiri, and Jinja East, and later, in August 2020, declared intention to challenge President Museveni, the entertainment/creative industry was pushed between the devil and the deep blue sea. Artistes were faced with three options; support your own and face State ire, including blockage of concerts; sit on the fence; or support the other side.

So much so that this fiscal year’s budget included a Shs60 billion package for the creative industry, music and arts, culture, and tourism, among others, to generate a revolving fund, ‘acquire a home for you, and enact a copyright law to protect your intellectual property.’

Yoweri album

On September 29, Edrisah Musuuza, alias Eddy Kenzo, was joined by over 10 artistes to compose the Yoweri album, a 15-track album that was launched at Speke Resort Munyonyo, with the President and his wife as chief guests. The President pledged to inject Shs20b to Shs30b annually into the Uganda National Musicians Federation (UNMF), one of the two musicians groups, led by Kenzo. He described the initiative as part of a broader effort to professionalise and empower Ugandan artistes.

‘Kenzo has told you that we have already given them the money to go and open zonal circles. That’s what you said. But after the elections, we are going to do much, much more to really support you because it’s not such a big problem. Even if we said Shs20b or even Shs30b, one time, because you are earning money from the public,’ he said. The album launch attracted more than 500 industry stakeholders, with several artistes obviously keen on rubbing shoulders with the ruling party politburo. However, even within the visibly celebratory mood, there were signs of caution among performers.

Several musicians in attendance wore face masks, hoodies, sunglasses, and branded caps pulled low, clearly avoiding full exposure to media cameras. Though physically present, some appeared reluctant to be photographed, with multiple artistes telling this newspaper off the record that they did not want to be ‘publicly seen’ as part of a NRM-linked event. They were also wary of being branded antipathetic. A number of artistes specifically requested not to be named in official programmes or media coverage, fearing backlash from fans against backdrop of a groundswell of resentment.

On the rise

Uganda’s music sector has grown rapidly in recent years. According to the Performing Artists Database under the Uganda Registration Services Bureau (URSB), more than 14,000 artistes are formally registered under various associations. However, thousands more remain in the informal space, surviving on concerts, streaming platforms, and fan donations. With more than 30,000 stakeholders across the creative industry, including producers, DJs, dancers, instrumentalists, and promoters, the sector plays a critical social and economic role, particularly among Uganda’s youth.

While over the past decade, musicians like Bebe Cool, Catherine Kusasira, and Full Figure have remained strong NRM die-hards and often performed at political rallies or composed songs praising the regime, Bobi Wine’s ascent to the pinnacle of opposition politics has further polarised the creatives industry as powerful agents of change. His support base is largely the urban youth disillusioned by underemployment, joblessness. Since 2019, the artistes, promoters, and other creative groups trekked to Gulu City to seek financial handouts from President Museveni’s young brother, Gen Salim Saleh. He, however, drew a line in the sand in December 2024.

While in Gulu, the visitors would denounce support for opposition politics, especially Bobi Wine and his National Unity Platform (NUP) party. In mid-June 2025, a Kampala-based gospel artiste, David Mugema, died in a hotel room in Gulu while waiting for a meeting to solicit financial support towards his medical treatment.

Besides the individual search for financial support, the creatives also pressured Gen Saleh, demanding the Shs5 billion that he promised them as Covid-19 relief. ‘Because when it is morning, I am meeting Buchaman (Mark Bugembe), in the afternoon I’m meeting Ragga Dee (Daniel Kazibwe), in the evening I’m meeting manya Odongo Romeo. So, when will I work on the other Kirabira there? You’re wasting my time. I have told you that I’m finished with you,’ Gen Saleh expressed displeasure about the artistes’ begging culture at a trade fair attended by many musicians in Gulu City.

Delicate balancing

Owing to these differences and the state’s divide-and-rule policy, the musicians themselves are divided into two camps, the UNMF led by Kenzo and the Uganda Musicians Association (UMA) led by ‘Cindy’ Sanyu. Analysts say the government’s direct funding of the music sector may be part of a broader effort to win back cultural ground ahead of the next election. To President Museveni, as he remarked late last month, the issue is about catching up with priorities long delayed: ‘I want to thank all the musicians for finally getting a bit organised. This was not really the government’s problem because when we started, the country was in such a bad situation. We had to begin with the basics, start with peace. Now, there is peace in the country. Some of the roads are in place, health services have improved. That’s why you are all here, you don’t have polio and so on.’

Industry players we talked to argued that to criticise the artistes is to forget about the bigger ecosystem in which they live; affected by problems and making them survivors like politicians and many public figures in the country. The power that celebrities and well-known people have in everyday life is phenomenal. In developed countries like the United States, Canada, the UK, and France, pop stars are known for endorsing candidates of their choice. They sing at their rallies and usually move around on campaign trails. In Uganda’s case, it is a delicate balance. Mr Ronald Mayinja’s [formerly of Eagle’s Production] award winning ‘Tuli Kubunkenke’ (we are under tension) released in 2005 in the run-up to the 2006 elections got him summoned several times by security agencies to clarify on the lyrics of the song which was said would likely to incite violence.

In 2007, Mayinja released ‘Africa’, another song about the hopeless state of the continent-plagued by corruption, hunger, dictators, diseases but yet with vast natural wealth. In 2014, he released Tuwalana Nguzi (we are against corruption) which were all received positively because they held leaders accountable. Today, Mayinja is in the NRM tent.