Category: Daily Monitor

President Museveni, who is also the National Resistance Movement (NRM) presidential candidate, is expected to return to Kasese District today, just a day before the official closure of both presidential and parliamentary campaigns. The President is expected to commission several government projects in Kasese District.

During his earlier visit on December 4, President Museveni addressed NRM supporters at Nyakasanga Playground in Saluti B Cell, Nyamwamba Division, before proceeding to Bunyangabu District later the same day.

At the time, he pledged several development projects for Kasese, including the extension of the standard gauge railway to the district, the upgrading of health facilities, and the construction of more schools in underserved areas.

The Kasese District NRM Publicity Secretary, Mr Yunus Muhindo, and the Resident District Commissioner (RDC), Lt Joe Walusimbi, confirmed the President’s return, adding that, unlike his previous visit when he addressed only one rally, he is expected to hold two rallies this time.

‘The President is returning to Kasese to commission several government projects, but as our presidential flag bearer, he will also address two campaign rallies in the district,’ Mr Muhindo said.

Mr Muhindo added that the President is expected to commission Nyabirongo Health Centre IV in Kisinga Town Council, which was upgraded from Health Centre III last year.

He will also commission the Kagando-Kighenge, Rwembya-Kanyampara, and Ibanda-Kyanya bridges, among other projects completed during the concluding term. Later in the day, President Museveni is expected to address public rallies at Kisinga and Nkaija playgrounds in Kisinga and Maliba town councils, located in Bukonzo County East and Busongora County North, respectively. It is also reported that the President will receive members from other political parties who are expected to defect to the NRM during the visit.

Residents have welcomed the President’s return. Mr Lawrence Masereka, a resident of Buthale Village in Kyarumba Sub-county, Bukonzo County East, told Daily Monitor that he missed the President’s first rally in Kasese due to distance and was eager to attend this time. ‘When President Museveni came to Kasese Town, I failed to attend the rally because it was far.

Now that he is coming to Kisinga, I will definitely go and listen to him,’ Mr Masereka said. Political analysts note that it is unusual for President Museveni to campaign twice in Kasese District during the same election cycle.

However, a resident of Kisinga Town Council, who preferred anonymity, claimed that the renewed visit could have been influenced by the strong show of support witnessed during National Unity Party (NUP) presidential candidate, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi’s rallies at Nyakasanga and Karambi playgrounds in Kasese Town and Karambi Sub-county, respectively.

‘The NRM party is terrified of Bobi Wine’s support in Kasese District. Did you see what happened when Bobi Wine was here? Both young and old people followed him, and this has already scared President Museveni and his supporters,’ she said.

The President’s anticipated return also comes shortly after another major NRM event in the district. On January 4, the State Minister for Youth and Children Affairs, Mr Balaam Barugahara, organised a youth festival dubbed the Wake Up Youth Kasese Yellow Festival, which was held at the same venue where Mr Kyagulanyi had previously addressed his second rally in Kasese.

However, Mr Muhindo dismissed claims that the President’s visit is intended to counter the popularity of rival candidates. ‘The President is not coming back to neutralise the support of any candidate. In his capacity as Head of State, he is coming to commission key government projects.

After commissioning, we requested him to also address the public,’ Mr Muhindo said.

Kasese District comprises 44 lower local governments, 215 parishes, and 864 villages. NRM supporters argue that the district’s vast size makes it difficult for many residents to attend a single presidential rally, hence the decision to organise multiple venues.

Dr Julius Bwambale, the NRM parliamentary flag bearer for Bukonzo County East, welcomed the President’s second visit, describing it as a source of pride for the area. Dr Bwambale, together with the State Minister for Trade, Industry, and Cooperatives, Gen Wilson Mbasu Mbadi, has intensified mobilisation efforts in Bukonzo County East, where the President is scheduled to hold his first rally.

‘The coming of the President to an area never leaves it the same in terms of development and financial opportunities. I therefore appeal to the people to turn up in large numbers and listen to the President,’ Dr Bwambale said.

The two constituencies the President is expected to visit are among the largest in Kasese District. Bukonzo County East alone comprises seven sub-counties: Nyakatonzi, Kisinga, Munkunyu, Mahango, Kitabu, Kyarumba, and Kyondo, as well as three town councils: Kinyamaseke, Kisinga, and Kyarumba. Bukonzo County East is the most populous constituency in Kasese District, with a majority of residents living in the mountainous areas. According to the Kasese District Electoral Commission register, the constituency has more than 95,000 registered voters spread across over 200 polling stations.

Busongora County North, where President Museveni is also expected to hold a rally, comprises 13 lower local governments. These include the sub-counties of Bwesumbu, Buhuhira, Kyabarungira, Maliba, Bugoye, and Kitswamba, as well as town councils including Kabatunda, Kirabaho, Kitswamba, Rugendabara-Kikongo, Hima, Mubuku, Maliba, and Ibanda-Kyanya.

Dr Crispus Kiyonga, the former Kasese District NRM chairperson and a candidate for Bukonzo West County, said the party is aiming for a wider victory margin this time.

‘We were embarrassed in 2021 by the low percentage for our NRM presidential candidate. How could President Museveni score only 48 percent against Kyagulanyi’s 47 percent? We must denounce this shame and this time vote massively for Museveni,’ Dr Kiyonga said at a recent rally.

Once upon a time, there was a woman and a three-year-old boy seated on a couch. The woman was pretending to read a book while the child was playing with his toys. He kept fetching more toys from a box in a corner and lining them up on the couch.

Eventually, the couch was full, with almost no more space for the woman and her book, so she told the little human, ‘Let me give you space.’

She stood up as she said these words and went to the kitchen to find something adults do in there, but also to give him more room to play on the couch. Alas, when she turned around, the little one was standing right behind her, looking up at her with big expectant eyes. When she asked what he wanted, he asked with a big smile, ‘Where is space?’ That was the beginning of an hour of the child asking for space, and the woman wondering what in the world he meant.

He started to cry out loud, rolling on the floor while yelling, ‘I want space!’ Anyway, eventually, a chocolate chip cookie and water were used to calm the child down and distract him from his demand and quest for this elusive thing called space.

Later that evening, almost seven hours after the incident (because she is that slow), the woman finally had a light bulb moment. The realisation left her in stitches and a bit of self-reprimand. Why did it take so long to figure out what he was saying? It was right there in the words. If you too are like the woman and have not figured it out yet, here it is. When she said she was going to give him space, his little mind immediately thought space was some kind of toy, food, or shiny present of sorts. This thinking was influenced by the fact that there had been a lot of gift-giving in the previous weeks.

But also because he held his mother in such high regard that when she promised something, he knew without a doubt that she would deliver it and in a timely manner. So he waited for the space. When it did not come in the form he had imagined it, he started to demand it and even turned on the waterworks for effect.

Call it misinterpretation, misunderstanding, or delulu like they say these days, we’ve all been victims at one point in time. Someone says one thing, and you receive it and understand it in a completely different way and then get disappointed when your great expectations are not met.

The election campaigns come to an end this week and the long awaited voting finally takes place on Thursday, 15 January (if nothing happens to warrant ‘denomination’ of the plan). Just because they said they would give you the moon, the stars, and Kalerwe, does not mean they will give you the kind of leadership you dream of.

Good healthcare, smooth roads, and all the other things on your wish list might mean something completely different where they come from, so calm down when they say they will give it to you if you vote for them. Use your head and a bit of heart, not just your stomach.

But if filling your stomach is the biggest need, then by all means, munch away. We do not judge. When the employer tells you they are going to give you a New Year’s salary raise, ask what exactly they mean. Do not assume it is a cash raise of substantial amounts. Because your congratulatory letter from human resources might be coming hot off the printer with a polite one percent increment.

The problem is if you had immediately upgraded your debt the minute they told you about the raise. When the lover promises to love you with all their heart and soul all the time, 24 hours a day, seven days a week, what they might mean might be that that is all they have, literally.

No job, no income, no friends, no functional family relationships, no life outside their relationship with you. Just their unhealthy, cringeworthy obsession with you.

Sugarcane farmers in the Busoga sub-region have accused millers of defying the government’s directive on the minimum price of sugarcane, noting that the practice is pushing growers into losses despite rising production costs.

The government recently set a temporary minimum price of Shs125,000 per tonne to protect farmers, but many say it remains too low and some millers are still buying it Shs105,000.

The Monitor has seen receipts from some factories confirming the low payments.

Mr Hassan Ngobi, a sugarcane farmer in Mayuge district, described the reductions as unfair and exploitative.

‘We invest heavily in land preparation, labour and inputs, yet when harvest comes, the millers dictate prices , even though the government stepped in to set the minimum price,’ he said.

Mr Musa Kabugo, another farmer said that the absence of a farmer-owned mill is fueling exploitation in the region.

‘Shs125,000 is still too low. With the 18-month production cycle, the investment is high, yet farmers need at least Shs180,000 to break even. Because of poverty, many are forced to sell early, sometimes for less than Shs120,000,’ he said.

The Chairperson of the Greater Busoga Sugarcane Farmers’ Union (GBSGU), Mr Godfrey Biriwali, said, ‘Farmers are frustrated because they invest heavily in sugarcane growing, but the returns no longer justify the effort,’ he said.

‘Farmers earn only from selling cane, yet millers get sugar, molasses, ethanol, sweets, bagasse and fertilizers, among others.’

The Chairperson of the Busoga Sugarcane Out-growers Association, Mr David Christopher Mwombe, said: ‘Kakira Sugar Factory has maintained the Shs125,000 temporary minimum price, while some other factories are still cheating farmers.’

Mr Mwombe said that in Kenya, some millers pay up to Shs150,000 per tonne.

The Chairperson of the Uganda National Association of Sugarcane Growers (UNASGO), Mr Julius Katerevu, said farmers are pushing the Uganda Sugar Industry Stakeholders’ Council to fully play its role.

‘We do not want to see the exploitation of farmers again now that the council exists. We want it functioning so that the issue of prices is sorted,’ he said.

The Uganda Sugar Industry Stakeholders’ Council, established under the Sugarcane (Amendment) Act, 2025, regulates the country’s sugar sector.

Appointed by Cabinet in October 2025, it promotes fair pricing, oversees mill licensing and expansion, resolves disputes, and ensures inclusive governance.

The council has 10 members, including representatives of farmers, millers, and the Trade, Agriculture, and Finance ministries.

The First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for East African Affairs, Ms Rebecca Alitwala Kadaga, said the government is aware of the complaints, pledging to engage millers to ensure compliance.

Background

Prices peaked at Shs240,000 per tonne in December 2023 but fell sharply, prompting government intervention. After some millers cut payments to Shs80,000-90,000 per tonne in 2025, a December 19 meeting chaired by President Museveni set the temporary minimum price of Shs125000 per tonne.

Several Opposition figures, including long-serving politicians who have recently softened their hostility toward the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), have advanced the idea that the presidential term beginning in 2026 will be a ‘transition term.’

This claim is framed not as a constitutional proposal, but as a political expectation that something fundamental must change during that period. The Constitution of Uganda provides for presidential succession, electoral replacement, and term limits, however amended. In theory, transition should therefore be predictable and orderly. In practice, it has become speculative, dependent less on institutions and more on personalities.

Many of the politicians most invested in the transition narrative are themselves veterans of Uganda’s political system, with some having held office continuously since the late 1980s or early 1990s. They argue that their longevity is an asset and that only those with sufficient ‘experience’ can steward the country through a delicate moment. Yet this argument sits uneasily alongside their claim to represent renewal. If decades in power have failed to institutionalise succession, it is difficult to see why the same actors should now be trusted as agents of transformation.

Underlying much of this transition talk is a biological assumption about President Museveni. The argument, sometimes explicit and often implied, is that age will resolve what politics has not. Transition is imagined less as an electoral or constitutional event and more as a natural interruption. Analytically, this is weak. It reduces politics to actuarial calculation and turns national planning into guesswork rather than strategy. Equally weak, however, is the counter-assertion that Museveni’s continued political dominance or visible vitality guarantees longevity in office.

The central issue is not the president’s health, but the institutional environment that makes personal health politically decisive. In a system where institutions function independently, the biology of the leader would be largely irrelevant to national stability. Uganda’s Constitution is clear on succession, stating that if a president dies in office, the vice president assumes power pending elections.

The problem is therefore not constitutional silence, but constitutional erosion. Over time, political practice has hollowed out legal certainty. Courts have been constrained, parliament subordinated, and the ruling party increasingly fused with the state. The result is not the absence of rules, but widespread doubt about whether those rules would be allowed to operate without contest.

This gap between law and practice explains the anticipatory behaviour visible across the political class. Campaign posters that pair the president with his son are not symbolic accidents, but calculated signals of alignment. Politicians are responding rationally to an environment in which loyalty to power matters more than adherence to formal procedure. This does not mean that the Constitution has disappeared; rather, it has ceased to be the primary organiser of political expectations. Historically, this situation is not new.

Uganda’s transitions in 1966, 1971, 1979, 1985, and 1986 were elite driven, frequently violent, and rarely constitutional. What distinguishes the present moment is that transition is being discussed openly while institutions remain weak. In earlier periods, transition followed crisis. Today, it is being anticipated in advance and positioned as an elite project. Some defenders of elite-managed transitions argue that negotiation reduces instability, and this concern is not without merit. Sudden or contested successions in militarised states can indeed be dangerous.

However, this argument holds only if elite bargaining ultimately strengthens institutions. In Uganda’s experience, such bargaining has tended to postpone, rather than resolve, institutional weakness. This is why current transition talk feels both urgent and empty. It is urgent because personalised rule is inherently fragile. It is empty because few proposals address how to rebuild the institutions that would make transition routine rather than traumatic. Constitutional reform, restoration of term limits, independence of the electoral commission, and civilian control of the military remain largely absent from elite narratives. Invoking ‘the will of the people’ is similarly insufficient.

That will is shaped and constrained by legal frameworks, coercive capacity, and economic dependency. Reclaiming transition for citizens would therefore require more than moral appeals. It would demand political organisation, credible institutional guarantees, and elite incentives aligned with rule-based outcomes.

A post-Museveni Uganda, whenever it arrives, will not automatically be more democratic or unified. Without deliberate institutional reconstruction, it risks becoming another elite settlement, justified in the language of stability and continuity.

The real question, then, is not who manages the transition, but whether Uganda can finally make transition ordinary, governed by rules rather than personalities.

As the country gears up for elections this Thursday, candidates across the country are canvassing for votes in their respective constituencies. In Tororo, the incumbent district chairperson, Mr John Okea, who is also the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party flag bearer, has since doubled his efforts to retain his seat.

Mr Okea has been occupying the seat since 2021 after he was declared winner with 113,126 votes, beating his main rival, Mr Emmanuel Osuna, who got 28,352 votes, according to the Uganda Gazette, General Notice No. 425 of 2021. Mr Osuna is not participating in the race. The incumbent is facing stiff competition from three other contenders.

They are Mr Paul Gonza of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) and independent candidates John Obbo and John Mike Oluka.

Mr Okea pledges to consolidate what he describes as development gains achieved through government programmes during his tenure. He also promises to continue pushing for income generating projects to help lift residents out of poverty, arguing that people do not need government handouts to develop but should instead be empowered with skills.

“Our theme is protecting the gains and my people know what I have done in my term of office, ranging from advocating for the subdivision of the district, lobbying for various projects, among others and time will tell,” Mr Okea said.

Mr Gonza, the FDC candidate, has pledged to promote wealth creation. Speaking recently during his campaign launch, he said his leadership will focus on overcoming ignorance, disease and crime.

‘I will go by any party that has a good idea that has a focus on advocating for every household to come out of poverty,’ Mr Gonza stated.

He also pledged to improve agricultural production in the district. Mr Gonza added that if given the mandate he would empower unemployed youth with hands-on skills to be job creators rather than job seekers. Mr Gonza, who was once a correspondent of Daily Monitor, said his manifesto focuses on reducing the number of government prisons in the district and turning them into rehabilitation centres for individuals who are likely to commit crime instead of waiting for them to commit crime.

Candidate Obbo said his campaigns are centred on quality education and creating employment opportunities for the unemployed youth. ‘The idea of giving cash to voters as bribes is primitive. Voters need a sustainable way of looking after themselves,” Mr Obbo said.

He added that his priority is to lobby for government funding to strengthen village savings and credit associations, which he said are critical in enabling communities to access loans. ‘Strong savings and loans groups will help reduce reliance on moneylenders who charge high interest rates,’ Mr Obbo said.

Voters speak out

Mr Robert Opio, a voter, said the next district LC5 chairperson should advocate for the speedy operationalisation of the proposed three districts and a city that has been carved out of Tororo District. ‘It is the wish of all the people of Tororo District that the new administrative units is operationalised as soon as possible,” he said.

Mr James Onyango, the district councillor for Nagongera Sub-county, said the district chairperson should push for the upgrade of the health centre IVs to hospitals and the general referral hospital to the status of regional referral hospital.

‘Tororo District is lucky that it has three health centre IVs that are Mukuju, Nagongera and Mulanda. These health facilities should be upgraded because currently the district hospital is over-strained,’ Mr Onyango said.

Tororo District is located in eastern Uganda. It borders the Republic of Kenya to the east, Bugiri District to the west, Butaleja to the north, Busia to the south and Mbale to the northeast. The district has six counties, one municipality with two divisions, 30 sub-counties, 10 town councils, 170 parishes and 1,338 villages.

The district headquarters are located in Tororo Municipality, which is about 214km from Kampala City.

The 2021 poll results

In 2021, the Tororo LC5 chairperson race attracted 10 candidates. Mr John Okea of NRM won the race with 113,126 votes after defeating Mr Emmanuel Osuna (Independent) who got 28,352, Wilson Okachuga (Independent) who got 5,258, FDC’s Paul Gonza who got 4,428 and Gerald Wandera Obbo (Independent) who got 2,423 votes.

Others in race were Mohammed Agamile Shafi (NUP) who got 2,707 votes, Fred Onduri Machulu (Independent) who got 1,366, John Obbo (Independent) who garnered 1,281, Asa Kalami (Independent) who got 836, and David Ochieng (Independent) who garnered 733 votes.

Buyende District Election Returning Officer, Mr George William Eriau, has announced that there will be no voting for the directly elected Member of Parliament for Budiope East in Buyende district.

The incumbent and NRM flagbearer, Mr Moses Hashim Magogo, has been declared unopposed following the withdrawal of his opponents.

“The High Court has upheld the EC’s decision to disqualify candidate Mulirire. This leaves the incumbent, Moses Hashim Magogo of the NRM, as the sole candidate, and as a result, there will be no election for the directly elected Member of Parliament for Budiope East. Voting will only take place for the Presidential and Woman MP Positions,” Mr Eriau said in a media message to the voters of Buyende.

Mr Eriau called for calm and peace, urging voters to turn out and exercise their right to vote. He promised that the EC will deliver credible election results that reflect the choice of the voters.

The disqualification of Mr. Mulirire and the subsequent declaration of Magogo as the unopposed candidate has drawn mixed reactions from voters and local leaders.

Many voters said it was only a matter of time, noting that Magogo’s closest rival, Godfrey Dhamuzungu, withdrew from the race citing the death of his father and pressure from family.

Other candidates, including Stephen Bangalana, his former aide Rabin Peere, and Resty Nsiro, were disqualified following petitions citing forged signatures, insufficient nominators, and other procedural irregularities. While some allege that certain candidates were bought out, others say they were initially brought in to split Dhamuzungu’s votes.

Speaker of Parliament, Ms. Anita Among, congratulated Mr. Magogo on his unopposed win, saying it was no surprise.

“Thank you for your prayers and for trusting Ssalongo to lead the NRM Party as District Chairperson. With the double blessings of twins, everything now comes in pairs, so just as I predicted, he has come out unopposed,” she said during yesterday’s NRM flagbearers’ vote mobilization in Buyende District.

Ms Among noted that the people of Budiope East expect Magogo to take the lead and that they will hold him accountable for his leadership. District civil servants praised Mr Magogo, saying he has demonstrated strong support for government programs and worked harmoniously with technocrats.

One civil servant noted: “Having the husband to the Speaker of Parliament gives us an advantage to push, pull and strategize national cake resources and be attended with extra attention.”

Mr Tomasi Ngole, a supporter of disqualified candidate Mulirire, criticized the nomination process, saying it erodes democracy and public accountability.

“The denomination of candidates erodes democracy and public accountability. Candidates should have been left to win or lose credibly,” he said.

Mr. Magogo responded, saying his commitment to Budiope East is unwavering.

“My passion to serve the people is unconditional like a mother’s love, and no pressure or propaganda will deter me from my mission,” he said.

First Deputy Prime Minister Rebecca Kadaga has criticized the EC for disqualifying candidates, saying the trend is worrying and undermines competition.

“The move is a strategy used by those who fear competition and accused the EC of denying affected candidates a fair hearing,” she said.

Ms Kadaga emphasized that disqualifying candidates without proper consultations is unfair and a departure from past practice within the NRM.

Routine cancer screening is a powerful tool that can save the lives of people living with HIV. With early detection, prevention, vaccination, and timely treatment, the cancers commonly associated with HIV/Aids can be managed or avoided altogether. For people living with HIV, effective treatment means a longer life, but it also brings a greater need to focus on long-term health. A key part of this is cancer screening, which is essential, not optional.

HIV weakens the immune system, making it harder for the body to fight cancer-causing viruses like HPV and Hepatitis. This leads to a significantly higher risk for several cancers, including cervical cancer, lymphoma, and cancers of the liver and anus.

Because of this heightened risk, proactive screening is a critical part of care. Save lives with early detection Early detection is especially vital. Cancers can develop faster and more aggressively in people with a compromised immune system.

Finding cancer at its earliest stage, often before any symptoms appear, makes treatment much more effective and greatly improves the chance of a cure. For example, screening can find and allow for the treatment of pre-cancerous cervical lesions, preventing cancer from ever forming.

It is important to know that being on successful HIV treatment, while it lowers the risk, does not eliminate it entirely. The increased risk from past immune damage or ongoing viral infections remains.

Therefore, regular cancer check-ups are necessary for everyone living with HIV, regardless of how well their HIV is controlled. It is simple.

The good news is that screening is simple and increasingly available. In Uganda, services are often integrated into routine HIV care at clinics. Key steps include cervical screening for women, liver checks for those with hepatitis, HPV vaccination for prevention, and regular physical exams to spot any warning signs.

Ultimately, prevention through routine screening is empowering and economical. It is far more affordable and less burdensome than treating advanced cancer. By making screening a regular habit, people living with HIV can protect their health, ensure their long-term well-being, and continue to lead full, healthy lives.

Suzan Lamunu embodies the mixed emotions shared by many urban residents as the country edges closer to the January 15, 2026, polling day. While she remains hopeful that the electoral process will unfold smoothly, uncertainty clouds her expectations. Lamunu is already contemplating travelling out of Kampala, a precaution influenced by persistent speculation among colleagues and friends that key service, most notably internet access and mobile money platforms could face temporary disruptions.

Such concerns, rooted in past election experiences, have fuelled anxiety among city dwellers who rely heavily on digital services for communication, business, and access to essential needs. With just days to the polls, the mood across the country remains one of a cautious expectation. There are some ongoing talks by some Ugandans, increasingly dominated by speculation about what the election period may bring, including fears of possible internet disruptions reminiscent of previous years. But beyond political outcomes, a more pressing concern is emerging; will vital government services, particularly health care continue to function seamlessly during the election season?

Political commentator Thadeo Lubega observes that the current electioneering apprehension, has created fertile ground for speculation, rumours, and unverified claims, particularly on social media. On the question of whether health services may be disrupted during the election period, Lubega remains cautiously confident that essential care will continue uninterrupted. Drawing from experience in previous poll years, he says there is little indication that health facilities will suspend operations, noting that the preservation of life has consistently remained a national priority.

Nevertheless, he urges Ugandans to remain calm and to refrain from acts of violence, warning that unrest not only threatens public safety but also undermines national development.

”Peaceful conduct by citizens plays a critical role in ensuring that essential services, including healthcare, continue to function normally. I believe that Uganda, as a nation, values life, and I expect health facilities to remain operational under normal circumstances,’ Lubega says.

He cautions, however, that while hospitals and clinics may stay open, disruptions to enabling services particularly internet connectivity could indirectly affect health service delivery. Lwanga explains that modern healthcare increasingly relies on digital platforms, with doctors often consulting colleagues online for specialist advice and referrals.

In an increasingly interconnected global environment, he argues, any interruption in internet services could limit such professional collaboration, potentially affecting the quality and timeliness of care.

Government assures

Sylvia Kirabo, a medical practitioner, downplays fears of election-related disruptions to healthcare services, insisting that the sector will continue operating as normal. She says all government health workers are expected to report to their duty stations, as has been the case in previous election periods. According to Kirabo, health workers have not received any official communication directing the suspension of services on polling day, a clear indication that public health facilities will remain open to attend to patients. She adds that continuity of health care remains a core obligation of the health sector.

Emmanuel Ainebyoona, the Ministry of Health spokesperson, has assured the public that there will be no disruption of health services during the election period, stressing that healthcare is classified as an essential service.

‘All public and private health facilities will remain fully operational during and after the elections. The mandate of health workers is to guarantee uninterrupted access to health services for all Ugandans at all times,’ Ainebyoona stated.

He directed members of the public to continue seeking medical attention from their nearest health facilities whenever necessary, confirming that health workers will be deployed and on duty across the country.

Stock supplies

‘First, you must proactively manage your medications by ensuring you have at least a two-week supply of all prescription and essential over-the-counter drugs at home. This buffer is critical because pharmacies may become inaccessible,’ says Dr Mugisha.

Visit your doctor or clinic immediately to request refills for this extended period. Once secured, store medicines properly in their original containers and take clear photographs of all prescription labels. These photos provide vital information for healthcare workers in an emergency if you are separated from your physical medications.

‘Second, prepare a dedicated emergency kit that goes beyond a standard first-aid box. This kit should enable you to shelter safely at home for up to 72 hours. In addition to bandages and antiseptics, include specialised items such as a tourniquet and hemostatic gauze for serious bleeding, and saline solution or a mixture of water and liquid antacid to soothe skin and eyes exposed to tear gas,’ he says.

Your kit must also contain practical survival items, a minimum of four litres of water per person per day, ready-to-eat food, a solar-powered power bank, a battery-operated radio, and a reserve of cash in small denomination notes to cover expenses if banking services are unavailable.

Communication and transport plan

Develop a detailed plan for communication and transport, as these systems are most likely to fail during civil unrest.

Save all critical contact numbers, for your preferred hospital, a trusted local clinic, and reliable private transport drivers, directly into your phone’s contacts and also write them on a physical piece of paper. Do not rely on having internet access to find them. Furthermore, identify in advance the physical location and safest route to your chosen medical facility. Map out a primary and an alternative back-up route that avoids areas where protests or gatherings are likely to occur. Formalise a support network by designating a family member or neighbour as your emergency check-in contact. Share your entire preparedness plan with this person, including your medication list, chosen hospital, and evacuation routes. Establish a simple daily check-in protocol, such as a pre-agreed text message; if you fail to check in or send a distress signal, your contact will know to try to reach you or alert authorities on your behalf.

Steps to secure your health and safety supplies

It is good to have a fallback position; in case there is need. Dr Edward Mugisha, a general practitioner says that preparing for medical needs requires taking decisive, practical steps now, before any potential unrest begins.

‘The core of your preparation involves three interconnected pillars; securing your health supplies, assembling a comprehensive emergency kit, and creating a robust communication and transport plan,’ he says. These actions are designed to ensure your safety and access to care even if standard services are disrupted.

With election day fast approaching, campaigns have become more intensive and demanding, forcing a growing number of candidates to embark on fundraisers. The Deputy Lord Mayor, Ms Doreen Nyanjura, who is vying for the Mwenge Central parliamentary seat, launched a fundraising drive, calling for support in a bid to have a people-centred and service-oriented leadership, and shared her MTN number on which any contribution should be made.

Mr Basil Bataringaya Rwankwene, who is contesting for the Kashari North parliamentary seat, took to his former school’s Old Boys’ WhatsApp group and appealed for financial support, which he said can be channelled through his shared MTN and Airtel numbers or Centenary Bank account.

A member of the WhatsApp group, who declined to be named, says: ‘The guy is looking for money; he even calls people at random.’

Mr Samuel Makokha, the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF) parliamentary candidate for Busia Municipality, had his campaigns plunged into uncertainty after he was arrested last month, arraigned before the Nakawa Chief Magistrate’s Court, charged with misprision of treason, and remanded to Luzira Prison.

His wife, Ms Jamelia Kaggwa, says the campaign is still standing, and appealed to friends, family, well-wishers, comrades, and supporters for financial support, saying ‘every contribution helps keep the campaign alive, the message visible, and the hope intact.’

Ms Kaggwa says running a campaign from behind bars comes with extraordinary legal, logistical, and humanitarian costs.

‘Makokha has been stripped not only of his freedom, but of the ability to mobilise funding as well as access to his own bank accounts, leaving him unable to pay legal fees or sustain his campaign.’

Political analysts say fundraising has long been a part of politics, and when done transparently, can be a legitimate way to engage supporters. However, the practice becomes problematic when it is not done in a transparent manner, fuelling perceptions of corruption.

President Museveni has, for instance, traditionally hosted fundraising dinners for the business community at State House, highlighting the blurred lines between patronage politics and money.

Dr Kiiza Besigye, in 2016, and the National Unity Platform (NUP) have currently opted for open public fundraising, which can be a strategic move to build authenticity and contrast with wealthier opponents perceived as ‘buying’ support.

Mr Job Kiija, a governance researcher and policy analyst, says while open fundraising can demonstrate grassroots support, it also risks exposing candidates to pressure from powerful financial interests.

‘The ruling regime’s history of targeting vulnerable opponents suggests that transparent fundraising could be exploited, making candidates more susceptible to compromise. Ultimately, a candidate’s integrity and ground support are their best defences. ‘What is needed is a robust campaign finance law requiring disclosure of funds raised, sources, and expenditures to promote accountability and transparency. This would help level the playing field and reduce the influence of money in politics,’ Mr Kiija said last week.

Cost of polls

Mr Timothy Chemonges, the executive director at the Centre for Policy Analysis (CEPA), says open fundraising by candidates is emerging largely because the cost of running for office has risen sharply, while access to traditional financing party structures, private donors, or personal resources has become more constrained, especially for Opposition actors.

‘In situations where candidates face arrests, account freezes, and even restricted movement, public fundraising becomes a survival mechanism rather than a choice. In that sense, it is understandable, but it also reflects deeper stress within the political and electoral system,’ Mr Chemonges says, adding that the strategy is tenable, but only to a limited extent. He adds that while public fundraising can ‘democratise’ campaign financing and build solidarity, it operates in a largely unregulated space.

‘Without clear disclosure rules, spending limits, and oversight, it risks undermining transparency and accountability in the electoral process.’ Asked if fundraising puts them in a compromised position, especially given how the NRM has allegedly been buying out Opposition candidates, Mr Chemonges says the risk is real.

‘In a political environment where inducements and buyouts are alleged, candidates who depend on ad-hoc fundraising are more vulnerable both to financial pressure and political manipulation. It can weaken autonomy and expose campaigns to influence from actors whose interests may not align with the voters.

‘Of course, I should also emphasise that this trend signals the need for serious reform of campaign finance laws, including fair public financing, clear disclosure requirements, and protection of candidates’ financial rights. Otherwise, fundraising will continue to reflect inequality and pressure in the political arena, rather than genuine democratic competition.’

Mr Henry Muguzi, the director of Alliance for Campaign Finance Monitoring (ACFIM), says the ongoing fundraising strategies mean that the campaign war chest candidates started with is done, candidates have been spending massively, not wisely, and that they did not prepare enough prior to deciding to contest for office .

‘I won’t be surprised if many of them did not even have a budget. Many go into politics without a fundraising team and a fundraising strategy. Politics, being a service rather than a job, should be for people who have reached a level of self-actualisation financially.

‘Candidates who are running broke are peasants who are seeking political positions to get rich rather than to serve. A rich candidate who wants to serve may not run out of money because he may not engage in vote-buying schemes. The ones that are broke now have been engaging in the wanton distribution of largesse to the electorate,’ Mr Muguzi says.

Being an MP comes with a hefty salary and other additional perks, according to information obtained from the Parliamentary Commission.

Each MP is entitled to a monthly salary of Shs25m, a one-off vehicle allowance of Shs200m, a subsistence allowance of Shs4.5m per month, a town running allowance of Shs1m per month, a medical allowance of Shs500,000 per month, a sitting allowance of Shs50,000 for committee meetings, and a plenary sitting allowance of Shs150,000; as well as mileage allowances.

This publication has previously reported that the price of running a well-oiled campaign varies from region to region, but contests for constituencies in western Uganda were the most expensive, ranging from Shs400m to Shs600m.

In a previous interview, the Kigulu South MP, Mr Andrew Kiiza Kaluya, said campaigning in constituencies in eastern Uganda costs between Shs300m and Shs500m.

2016

A 2016 report by Pete Wardle, a WFD associate at Westminster Foundation for Democracy, examined the cost of parliamentary politics in six countries, including Ghana, Kyrgyzstan, Macedonia, Nigeria, Uganda, and Ukraine, with focus on the costs faced by individual candidates and elected Members of Parliament (MPs) – not just during the election period itself, but before and after the election as well.

The report revealed that in all six countries, getting your name onto the ballot paper as a candidate endorsed by a political party can involve very significant payments to the party, in addition to the official deposits and fees payable to the election authorities.

According to the report, the costs tend to be higher with party-list electoral systems, although in Uganda, for example, with a single-member constituency system, it is more expensive to secure a nomination from the dominant National Resistance Movement party than from other parties.

‘. Those who fail to become MPs risk very significant financial losses and/or debts, while those who succeed in becoming MPs face a strong temptation to focus a high proportion of their efforts on ensuring that they recoup the major investments that they have made.’ the report reads.

The Chief Magistrate’s Court at Buganda Road has dismissed an application by the self-exiled Uganda Law Society (ULS) president Isaac Kimaze Ssemakadde seeking to halt criminal proceedings against him.

In a ruling delivered by the former Chief Magistrate Ronald Kayizzi held that the application for stay of proceedings was fatally defective and that the mere filing of a constitutional petition does not automatically suspend criminal trials unless expressly ordered by the Constitutional Court.

‘This Court finds that the initial application for stay of criminal proceedings is fatally defective and incompetent,’ Mr Kayizzi ruled, adding that even on merit, the application would still fail.

Ssemakadde is charged with the offence of indecently insulting a woman, contrary to Section 115(3) of the Penal Code Act. The charge is based on alleged remarks made against Justice Jane Frances Abodo while she was serving as Director of Public Prosecutions.

According to the charge sheet, it is alleged that on November 18, 2024, at the offices of the People’s Front for Freedom in Katonga Village, Kampala District, Ssemakadde, with intent to insult the modesty of a woman, uttered words referring to Justice Abodo as ‘a vagina from Karamoja, a dead wood, a dimwit and a shameless careerist,’ intending that the said words be heard by the former DPP.

Ssemakadde sought to stay the proceedings pending the hearing and determination of his Constitutional Petition in which he challenges the constitutionality of Section 115(3) of the Penal Code Act, the provision under which he is charged.

In his application, Ssemakadde argued that continuing with the trial before the Constitutional Court pronounces itself on the impugned law would prejudice his right to a fair hearing. The application was brought under Section 11(2) of the Magistrates Courts Act.

However, the application was met with a preliminary objection raised by the private prosecutors, Tonny Tumukunde and Joshua Byamazima, who argued that the supporting affidavit was sworn by a person not qualified to do so.

The affidavit in support of the application was sworn by Brian Akandwanaho, who described himself as an advocate instructed to act for Ssemakadde. The respondents produced a letter from the Chief Registrar dated September 10, 2025, confirming that Akandwanaho was not an enrolled advocate of the High Court of Uganda.

‘A non-advocate cannot lawfully assume the role of counsel, nor can he depone to matters that properly fall within the professional conduct of an advocate. The affidavit in issue was sworn by a person who purported to act as an advocate, which renders it defective and inadmissible in law ,’ Kayizzi held.

The court ruled that once the supporting affidavit was struck out, the application was left without any evidential foundation and was therefore incompetent.

In an attempt to cure the defect, Ssemakadde’s lawyers later filed an amended Notice of Motion supported by a fresh affidavit sworn by Rogers Ntale, an advocate of the courts of judicature.

However, the court found that the amended application was filed without leave of court and could not stand.

‘The amendment was not procedural or cosmetic,’ Mr Kayizzi ruled. ‘It was a substantive attempt to reconstruct the entire application and could not be effected unilaterally without leave of court.’

The magistrate further rejected reliance on Section 14A of the Advocates (Amendment) Act, holding that the provision does not apply where a person who is not an advocate purports to act as counsel from the outset.

Even if the application had been procedurally sound, the court held that it would still fail on merit, emphasizing that the filing of a constitutional petition does not operate as an automatic stay of criminal proceedings.

‘The law is settled that the mere filing of a constitutional petition does not, of itself, operate as a stay of criminal proceedings,’ Kayizzi said.

In his final orders, the Chief Magistrate dismissed the application in its entirety, upheld the preliminary objection, struck out the amended Notice of Motion and affidavit, and directed that Criminal Case No. 913 of 2024 proceed in accordance with the law. No order as to costs was made.

The decision clears the way for Ssemakadde to stand trial on the charge of indecently insulting the former DPP over the alleged remarks attributed to him in November 2024.