Category: Sunday Standard

Botswana is starring down a massive economic hit as soaring global fuel prices threaten to burn a P8.5 billion hole in the country’s finances.

A fresh warning from Econsult Botswana reveals that if international fuel prices jump by 50% and stay there for a year, Botswana could be forced to cough up an extra P8.5 billion just to keep the lights on and vehicles on the road. That is a staggering 3% of the entire economy wiped out by fuel costs alone.

The latest quarterly review by Econsult Botswana underscores the scale of exposure. ‘In Botswana’s case, fuel represents the largest single category of imports reported by Statistics Botswana, with total fuel imports valued at P16.9 billion in 2025, or around 6% of GDP. If global fuel prices rise by 50% and this is maintained for a full year, the cost to Botswana would be huge, around P8.5 billion, or some 3% of GDP,’ the report notes.

If the shock hits, ordinary Batswana will feel it immediately. Transport costs could surge, food prices could climb, and daily life could become far more expensive. From combi fares to supermarket shelves, nothing will be spared.

As a landlocked economy with no domestic refining capacity, Botswana is acutely vulnerable to supply disruptions and price swings. The report warns that ‘fuel prices will feed through to inflation, reduced real incomes and a likely growth slowdown,’ a transmission mechanism that has repeatedly strained consumers and fiscal planning.

Even before the dreaded 50% jump in fuel prices, the country is already suffering the ravages of the global fuel crisis.

The Bank of Botswana hiked its monetary policy rate by 200 basis points on Thursday, saying inflation was expected to breach its target band mainly due to fuel price hikes linked to the Iran war. The central bank raised the rate to 5.5% from 3.5%.

Inflation is projected to breach the bank’s preferred 3%-6% target band in the second quarter of this year and average 8.7% in 2026 before easing to 5.6% in 2027, Bank Governor Lesego Moseki told a press conference.

Botswana’s vulnerability to global fuel shocks is prompting renewed focus on electrification of transport as both an economic buffer and a climate-aligned policy shift. Electric vehicles (EVs), still nascent in Botswana’s market, offer a pathway to decouple mobility from imported petroleum. ‘Botswana needs to reduce its dependence on imported fuels, in part by developing an electric mobility strategy that result in reduced usage of petrol and diesel,’ states the Econsult report.

Reduced fuel imports would ease pressure on foreign reserves while insulating the economy from global oil shocks.

Globally, investment is accelerating into ‘energy industries, electric vehicle manufacturing and other industries,’ the report observes, signalling a broader structural transition that Botswana risks missing if it remains anchored to fossil fuel imports.

For policymakers, the challenge lies in expanding grid capacity, incentivising EV adoption and building charging networks. Fuel price shocks have already demonstrated their reach across the economy, from transport and logistics to food prices. With fuel embedded in the consumer price index, even modest increases ripple widely. ‘The impact will be largest on fuel importing countries such as Botswana,’ the report states, reinforcing the asymmetry faced by economies without domestic energy buffers.

Transitioning to EVs would not eliminate all vulnerabilities, particularly given electricity generation constraints and reliance on imported power at times. But it would diversify the energy mix and gradually reduce one of the country’s largest import bills. ‘Botswana needs to develop an EV strategy, particularly the provision of charging infrastructure. The country

also needs a proper urban public transport strategy, based around EVs,’ states the report.

The shift also aligns with regional and global trends as governments tighten emissions standards and automakers pivot production lines toward electric fleets.

Amnesty International has raised concerns over Botswana’s human rights record in its latest global assessment, citing a public health crisis, shrinking civic freedoms and persistent gender-based violence as key issues in 2025.

In its latest report titled The State of the World’s Human Rights, the organization paints a troubling picture of a country grappling with systemic challenges despite a historic political transition following the 2024 general elections.

Botswana ushered in a new era when the Umbrella for Democratic Change, led by President Duma Boko, ended decades of rule by the Botswana Democratic Party. However, Amnesty International notes that the political shift has yet to translate into tangible human rights improvements.

At the centre of the report is a severe public health emergency declared in August 2025 after the collapse of the country’s medical supply chain. Public hospitals and clinics were left without essential medicines, including drugs for cancer, diabetes and tuberculosis. The crisis, attributed to government arrears owed to private suppliers and economic strain linked to a downturn in the diamond sector, forced authorities to postpone non-urgent surgeries.

Although government injected P250 million in emergency funding and deployed the military to assist with distribution, shortages reportedly persisted, exposing deep vulnerabilities in Botswana’s healthcare system.

The report also criticises new legislation, the Digital Services Act 2025 and the Cybersecurity Act 2025 warning that both laws risk expanding state control over online activity without adequate safeguards for privacy and freedom of expression. Amnesty argues that these laws could be used to stifle dissent in an increasingly digital public sphere.

Concerns over press freedom were echoed by Reporters Without Borders, which ranked Botswana 81st out of 180 countries in its 2025 World Press Freedom Index. While noting a decline in outright attacks on journalists, the watchdog said structural barriers continue to hinder media operations.

Freedom of assembly also came under scrutiny. Police in Gaborone blocked planned student protests in August, preventing members of the Student Power Botswana movement from delivering a petition demanding increased allowances. Authorities cited scheduling conflicts, but Amnesty described the actions as arbitrary restrictions on peaceful protest.

Gender-based violence remains a major concern, with UN agencies reportedly declaring it a national emergency. Amnesty highlighted the continued absence of legislation criminalising marital rape, leaving significant gaps in legal protection for women and girls.

On the issue of capital punishment, Botswana continues to retain the death penalty, although no executions have been carried out for four consecutive years. Human rights groups have renewed calls for an official moratorium as a step toward abolition.

The report further noted the relocation of rejected asylum seekers from a detention facility in Francistown to the Dukwi Refugee Camp, where access to employment and essential services remains limited.

Amnesty International says that while Botswana has long been viewed as a stable democracy, the latest findings highlight mounting pressure on fundamental rights, calling on authorities to urgently address systemic weaknesses and uphold constitutional freedoms.

Botswana’s public debt trajectory is edging toward a critical threshold, with analysts warning that persistent fiscal deficits and rising borrowing costs could push the country’s debt load beyond 100% of GDP sooner than expected.

Econsult’s latest quarterly review highlights a widening disconnect between the government’s stated commitment to fiscal discipline and the reality of continued high spending, weak revenues and increasingly expensive financing, a mix that is accelerating debt accumulation.

At the centre of the concern is a structurally imbalanced budget. The 2026/27 fiscal plan projects expenditure at around 35% of GDP, with revenues covering only about 75% of that spending, leaving a large and sustained financing gap. The report is blunt about the implications. ‘The budget as presented envisages a continued high level of spending… and a huge budget deficit,’ adding that key assumptions may understate the true scale of the imbalance due to ‘implausibly low budget figures for debt interest payments.’

While Botswana’s debt has historically been moderate, the current trajectory suggests a sharp and potentially destabilising shift. With deficits running near 9% of GDP and no immediate correction in sight, debt is set to rise rapidly with the 100% threshold increasingly within reach.

‘Nevertheless the trend is unsustainable, and it would not take long for debt to reach crisis levels at this rate of increase. With continued budget deficits of this magnitude, after a decade debt would exceed 100% of GDP – perhaps even sooner if government’s borrowing costs continue to rise,’ states the Review.

Econsult warns that the central challenge is to halt, or at least significantly slow, the rise in public debt. ‘This can only be done by reducing the budget deficit. With little expectation of a significant increase in revenues, this can only be achieved by a reduction in spending,’ states the report.

Yet despite repeated commitments, there is little evidence of restraint as spending is projected to remain at about 35% of GDP in 2026/27, virtually unchanged from the previous year. The review notes that this raises fundamental questions about sustainability as the government prepares to lift statutory borrowing limits.

The government itself has acknowledged the scale of the problem. The finance ministry described the situation as a ‘structurally overstretched fiscal framework,’ where ‘expenditure commitments persistently exceed available and realistic realisable resources.’ Such a mismatch, the minister warned, ‘is fiscally unsustainable over the medium to long term and underscores the urgent need for more credible, disciplined and prudent fiscal planning.’

Yet despite this recognition, the review finds little evidence of immediate corrective action. Planned fiscal consolidation is pushed into the outer years of the Medium-Term Fiscal Framework, a pattern that has repeatedly failed in the past. ‘Commitments made for 2-3 years into the future are never realised, but are perpetually postponed,’ the report notes.

The convergence of large deficits, rising yields and slowing growth is narrowing the window for policy adjustment. Without a credible shift toward fiscal consolidation, either through spending restraint or stronger revenue mobilisation, Botswana risks breaching the 100% debt-to-GDP threshold and entering a far more constrained fiscal environment.

A forensic audit by R4 Forensics has uncovered a web of gross financial misconduct at the Civil Aviation Authority of Botswana (CAAB).

Preliminary findings from the audit suggest that CAAB systematically misrepresented its financial position. Government subventions were allegedly recorded as revenue, enabling the authority to declare profits that did not exist.

The practice concealed sustained losses, with investigators estimating that between P50 million and P70 million may have been lost over the past four years. The authority is now understood to be operating at a deficit, contradicting earlier financial presentations that suggested stability.

The investigation was initially triggered by CAAB’s internal audit unit, which identified irregularities in the payroll system, including payments amounting to roughly P6 million into so called ghost accounts, fictitious or inactive accounts used to divert funds. What began as a targeted probe into payroll controls was subsequently broadened after newly appointed chief executive Thuto Toise ordered that the scope be expanded to include all financial and operational areas of the authority and an independent auditor,R4 Forensics commissioned to conduct a forensic audit.

That decision appears to have exposed a far wider pattern of alleged abuse. The forensic audit details a payroll fraud scheme involving more than 50 ghost employee accounts used to siphon funds over an extended period. The findings suggest that the mechanism may not have been isolated, with claims that senior officials channeled bonus payments through proxy accounts linked to these ghost employees, potentially to avoid tax liabilities and bypass standard payroll reporting systems.

The revelations echo an earlier case involving a suspended payroll officer at CAAB, who was accused of orchestrating the diversion of more than P6 million through ghost accounts. According to media reports at the time, the officer allegedly indicated that he would not act alone and threatened to implicate members of executive management.

He was suspected internally of having close links to executive management and was believed to have facilitated the routing of bonus payments, including the so called 13th Cheque, through ghost accounts to obscure income and evade taxation. The forensic audit’s findings appear to lend weight to those earlier allegations, suggesting that the misuse of payroll systems may have been embedded at multiple levels within the organisation.

Procurement practices have also come under scrutiny. The audit, carried by Robert Masitara’s R4 Forensics, flagged repeated use of direct contractor appointments, bypassing competitive tender processes. In some cases, companies linked to individuals within CAAB were allegedly awarded contracts. Cost escalations appear significant. A refurbishment project at Maun airport, initially budgeted at P50,000, reportedly increased to P3.7 million, with no clear justification provided in the audit findings.

Revenue collection systems were found to be similarly vulnerable. Aeronautical charges collected manually at airports could not be fully accounted for. The absence of robust tracking mechanisms appears to have created opportunities for revenue diversion, further compounding the authority’s financial difficulties.

The audit also highlights alleged abuse of employee benefits and allowances. Investigators cite instances of fraudulent overtime claims as well as travel per diem payments claimed for trips that did not occur. These practices, while individually smaller in scale, contribute to what the report characterizes as a broader pattern of financial indiscipline.

Beyond financial misconduct, the findings raise operational and regulatory concerns. Critical navigational equipment has reportedly remained unserviceable for extended periods despite maintenance contracts being awarded. At Maun airport, radar systems have allegedly been non-functional since December 2025.

The audit further points to the alleged issuance of air operator certificates under irregular circumstances, a finding that could have implications for regulatory compliance within the local aviation sector.

Governance failures emerge as a central theme. According to the audit, these issues were not escalated to the previous board, with management allegedly presenting an overly favourable account of the authority’s performance.

In a related development, CAAB has placed several senior officials on administrative leave as part of ongoing internal processes linked to the investigation. Those affected include Director Human Capital and Administration Services Ontibile Radira, Director Finance and Procurement Kebagaise Segakise, Director Airport Services Isaac Mabote, Director Airport Engineering and Maintenance Christopher Diswai, as well as Manager of Projects. The authority has described the leave as administrative and precautionary, stating that it does not constitute a finding of misconduct or guilt, and that the affected individuals are restricted from performing official duties or engaging staff on work related matters unless authorised.

The preliminary findings from R4 Forensics depict an organization where financial controls, procurement discipline and operational accountability may have been systematically undermined. The scale of the alleged irregularities, spanning accounting practices, payroll systems, procurement processes and regulatory functions, points to challenges that extend beyond isolated incidents.

sit and watch in real time what the opposition Botswana Congress Party is going through.

From a distance it looks chaotic. It is not.

For a party that has been in existence for close to 30 years now, the BCP finds itself in a foreign territory.

It is a campaign season. And for BCP this season is like non other.

Online exchanges between party members are breaking the internet.

It would seem like a civil war is afoot. Opponents are smiling. In their imagination they see a crisis playing out at the BCP.

It is because the party’s big wigs are calling each other names.

Lobbies and sleights are flying around.

Big names are openly campaigning against each other – from the position of vice president downwards.

They are not at each other’s throat. They are just shouting out so that they can be heard.

Some people have called it baptism of fire. It is actually democracy at work.

And to an untrained eye, the BCP is about to collapse.

No, it is not. It will actually emerge stronger and if the will of members is respected, more united too.

Even internally, there are some BCP people who have been rattled by latest developments.

Reports indicate that going forward they will consider banning lobby lists, because, they assume, lobby lists polarize the party.

That would be a mistake. Just let the party play on.

Democracy never begets a crisis. Crisis is often a result of throttling people’s will.

For a long time the BCP has tried to micromanage its growth phases, including by way of stage-managing internal elections.

There comes a time in life when growth can no longer be subjected to test tube experiments.

When that time arrives growth runs on its own, it breaks free of all the shackles and on its own it starts to blossom.

Growth always gets to a stage where it behaves like a Frankenstein monster or should we say a jeannie out of a bottle.

That is true for human beings as it is for organisations.

In life there comes a time when children are no longer toddlers.

When that time comes parents should accept that their time of control is up.

Instincts often tell them to continue with their stranglehold. The reality on the ground says that control has become not only hard but also unsustainable.

The same applies to organisations that we build and grow to love.

On its own, and without seeking anybody’s consent, the BCP has outgrown the phase of acute control and micromanagement.

The sooner its high priests accept this, the better it will be for the whole organization.

Shortly after taking over the leadership of the Botswana Democratic Party, Festus Mogae decided that the inner party mechanics had to be reimagined.

The committee of 18, which was a powerful and largely unaccountable party organ that effectively decided on who could contest elections became Mogae’s first target.

He dismantled and uprooted.

In its position he introduced what he aptly named Bulela Ditswe.

Bulela Ditswe effectively took away power from the party strong men and gave it to the ordinary members.

Through Bulela Ditswe, for the first time the rank and file tasted not just power but democracy too. Bulela Ditswe gave them a choice.

They voted whoever they wanted to be their candidates in the general elections.

Nobody ever said Bulela Ditswe was perfect.

In fact democracy is itself not perfect.

But since its inception no BDP leader has come up with any other invention to replace Bulela Ditswe.

This is despite the fact that Bulela Ditswe has created problems for everyone who has led the BDP, starting with its chief architect – Mogae, Ian Khama, and even Mokgweetsi Masisi.

With Mogae it created chaos. With Khama it created rebellion. And with Masisi, something worse happened.

Khama wanted to reform it. He couldn’t. Masisi wanted to abolish it. He ended up losing power because he was perceived to be against primary elections.

My point is once the people taste democracy, you can’t take it away from them. You cannot even reduce it.

You can only increase it.

Democracy is like liberty. People will only accept more of it. Never less.

It is like giving a little kid a lollipop. You can’t take it away from them without them crying uncontrollably.

This column has the past heavily criticized the BCP for micromanaging democracy.

They have now opened up.

We should now give them credit.

Documents seen by Sunday Standard show that the new Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC) government’s promise to restore accountability is facing one of its toughest early tests after the latest Public Accounts Committee (PAC) report reopened explosive allegations involving the Directorate of Intelligence and Security (DIS). The allegations include contract interference, hidden business interests and repeated court defeats.

The report reveals among others, unresolved matters involving alleged DIS interference in a water project, questionable ownership and accounting of the Tautona Lodge and Farm and a growing trail of court battles launched by disgruntled staff members.

Sunday Standard understands that for a government elected on promises of transparency, accountability and rule of law, the report now places the UDC administration in the spotlight.

The documents revel that at the centre of the controversy is a case in which the DIS is accused of interfering in a water project by allegedly removing a contract from one contractor and awarding it to another.

According to the PAC, the intelligence agency confirmed the existence of the case and said investigations had been completed before the matter was referred to the DPP for prosecution.

Information reaching Sunday Standard also shows that the latest revelation instantly transforms the issue from an administrative embarrassment into a legal and political test case.

Information seen by Sunday Standard also shows that if prosecutors proceed this could mark one of the first major corruption-linked prosecutions touching the DIS under the new administration. It is understood that if nothing happens, critics will likely accuse the UDC of protecting old networks it promised to dismantle.

Reports indicate that Boko said to safeguard the rule of law, discourse on judicial independence was often framed in a binary manner, with the judiciary on one hand and the state on the other.

The matter involving DIS interference in the water project arose from a controversial instruction of the DIS for WUC to cancel its contract with the two companies that DISS considered a security threat to the country.

The two companies consequently approached the High Court for redress. Following a protracted legal battle, the parties reached a court of settlement agreement that was fulfilled when WUC paid the two companies P112 million. ‘The contract that the parties had entered into arising from the invitation to tender that was published by Water Utilities Corporation bearing reference, essentially, Design, Supply, Treatment Plant-Tender No. WUC 015 (2018) is here by terminated,’ said the then Justice Tebogo Tau of the Lobatse High Court.

‘The Respondent (Water Utilities Corporation) agrees to pay the sum of P112 000 000.00 into the Trust Account of Tengo Rubadiri Attorneys on or before 1st June 2020, in full and final settlement of all contentions between the parties relating to the Invitation to Tender that was published by the respondent bearing the reference, essentially, Design, Supply, Treatment Plant – Tender No. WUC 015 (2018).’

The PAC also reopened questions over Tautona Lodge and Farm, a property reportedly bought by the DIS using operational funds.

In one of the report’s most startling findings, legislators noted that the property was not appearing in government books of account, neither was revenue allegedly generated from hotel operations.

The committee ordered the Accountant General and DIS to meet urgently and regularise the accounting treatment of the property and all income derived from it.

PAC further requested the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime (DCEC) to provide updates on the status of cases linked to the DIS including the water project matter.

Ccording to the report, ‘The Committee requested the DCEC to undertake the following:

Provide an update on the status of the cases and alleged interference by the Directorate of Intelligence and Security (DIS) on a water project.’

The report also paints a picture of internal dysfunction inside the spy agency.

Lawmakers noted that aggrieved staff members had repeatedly been forced to seek justice through the courts in disputes that could have been resolved internally through the Parliamentary Committee on Intelligence and Security (PCIS), the oversight body created under the DIS Act.

PAC observed that the DIS had lost a number of those cases.

The committee stated that the PCIS must be constituted and convened effectively to ensure accountability, transparency and adherence to the rule of law.

The timing of the report could not be more sensitive.

President Boko came to power promising institutional reform after years of criticism that Botswana’s democratic institutions had been hollowed out.

The PAC report goes beyond the DIS. It also laments slow progress across government ministries in implementing old PAC resolutions, exposing a wider culture of impunity and bureaucratic indifference.

But it is the DIS chapter that carries the greatest political danger.

For years, the intelligence agency was viewed by critics as untouchable. The PAC has now dragged it back under Parliament’s harsh lights.

According to the report; ‘The Committee expressed concern on the above and requested the Directorate of Intelligence and Security to undertake the following: the DIS should submit to the PAC an up-to-date report on the court cases lodged by its

staff and the outcomes thereof and the Tautona Lodge and farm, together with all revenue generated therein, should be captured in the government books of account according to the requirements of the

Public Financial Management Act.’

The latest Public Accounts Committee (PAC) findings have placed Parliament under an uncomfortable spotlight as they raise hard questions about institutional independence. The report also questions staff morale, governance and public accountability.

The Committee warned that Parliament risks losing public confidence if internal weaknesses are not urgently addressed.

‘It was brought to the attention of the Clerk of the National Assembly that the Parliament of Botswana is perceived as lacking independence,’ the report says.

The Clerk of the National Assembly reportedly acknowledged the concerns as he reportedly agreed that ‘it is critically important for Parliament to operate independently.’

The PAC is also demanding updates on reforms meant to strengthen that independence alongside broader institutional restructuring.

‘The Clerk acknowledged this concern and agreed that it is critically important for Parliament to operate independently. The Committee requested that the Clerk provide an update on any measures being taken or planned to enhance the independence of Parliament,’ says the report.

The report shows that at the centre of the report is a push for transparency. The Committee wants all parliamentary committees to be broadcast live, just like the Public Accounts Committee. It stated that this is ‘in the quest to educate the public on other oversight portfolios/mandates.’ In response, the administration indicated that ‘efforts are underway to explore mechanisms for ensuring that the proceedings of other Parliamentary Committees are also aired online.’

The report states that ‘The Accounting Officer committed to consult further on the possible implementation of the initiative and give an update; improving Performance of Parliament: The Clerk informed the Committee that capacity building and training initiatives were being implemented to ensure that Parliament becomes a high-performing institution.’

But beyond visibility, deeper structural issues were exposed. The Committee flagged low staff morale and demanded urgent reforms. The Clerk admitted that ‘a review of the Parliamentary organisational structure is underway to create job opportunities,’ while also acknowledging plans to revive training programmes for both MPs and staff.

However, MPs were not convinced by assurances alone. They pressed for concrete action, including updates on whether the Clerk had ‘held a general staff meeting with all Parliamentary staff,’ noting that only senior management engagements had taken place so far.

‘Further to that, the Clerk of the National Assembly was requested to provide an update on the departure of the Former Technical Advisor to the Public Accounts Committee (within the next 2 weeks),’ the report says.

Financial accountability also came under scrutiny. The PAC raised concerns over ‘excessive hotel costs’ linked to the accommodation of Members of the 12th Parliament at Avani Hotel while awaiting renovations to official residences. The Committee further instructed that the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime (DCEC) be invited to explain ‘the progress of investigations regarding the costs incurred.’

The report also demands updates on a wide range of reforms; from establishing a parliamentary budget office, to disposing of unused equipment, and even progress on intelligence and security committee structures.

The PAC has also lined up extensive site visits across the country, including infrastructure projects such as the North South Carrier, hospitals, roads, schools, and agricultural facilities.

The High Court has sentenced Tapologo Makwatse to death after finding no extenuating circumstances to justify a lesser penalty. The sentence brought to a close a murder case that tested the limits of mitigation arguments centered on intoxication and alleged provocation. Tapologo was convicted of hacking his ex-girlfriend Dipuo Ramalepa, to death with an axe.

In his judgment delivered this week, outgoing Judge Dr. Zein Kebonang said the court had been compelled to interrogate the evidence more closely than usual after identifying inconsistencies between the agreed statement of facts and the accused’s subsequent testimony in mitigation.

Makwatse had earlier been convicted of murder under Section 202 of Botswana’s Penal Code after entering a guilty plea. The conviction followed a formal statement of agreed facts submitted jointly by the prosecution and the defence in July 2023. At the time, the accused confirmed before the court that the contents of the document were true, voluntary and accurately reflected the events leading to the killing.

However, the sentencing phase took a more complex turn when Makwatse appeared to depart from that agreed version during his oral submissions in mitigation. According to the court, the accused introduced elements that suggested diminished responsibility, including intoxication and emotional provocation, which had not been clearly borne out in the original agreed facts.

Kebonang noted that such contradictions could not be ignored, particularly in a case where the ultimate sentence depended on whether extenuating circumstances existed. ‘The court cannot lightly accept mitigation that is inconsistent with facts previously admitted by the accused,’ Kebonang said, arguing that the integrity of the judicial process depended on consistency and credibility.

Central to the court’s analysis was whether the accused’s state of intoxication at the time of the offence could reduce his moral blameworthiness. Kebonang ruled that self-induced intoxication, without more, does not meet the legal threshold required to establish extenuation. The court further held that while emotional distress or provocation can, in certain circumstances, be relevant, the evidence presented did not support a finding that Makwatse acted under such overwhelming influence as to significantly impair his judgment.

‘The burden rests on the accused to prove, on a balance of probabilities, that extenuating circumstances exist,’ Kebonang said. ‘In this case, that burden has not been discharged.’

The judge also pointed to the deliberate nature of the conduct described in the agreed facts, which suggested a level of intent incompatible with the defence’s later attempt to portray the act as impulsive or driven by diminished capacity. The court found that the version initially accepted by the accused remained the most reliable account of events.

With no extenuating circumstances established, the court was bound by law to impose the mandatory sentence for murder. Kebonang accordingly sentenced Makwatse to death, in line with the law, which prescribes capital punishment in such cases. Makwatse now joins the ranks of inmates on death row.

The government is battling rising panic after an explosive national risk report confirmed fears first exposed by the Sunday Standard that some Botswana community trusts have become unwitting vehicles for international wildlife crime syndicates linked to money laundering and fraud.

A copy of the Money Laundering/Terrorist Financing National Risk Assessment Report Botswana seen by Sunday Standard paints a picture of how criminal networks are infiltrating Botswana’s prized wildlife economy through community-based organisations created to empower rural citizens.

The report directly makes reference to a Sunday Standard investigation report titled ‘Community Trusts in Global Mafia Network’ which was published in 2024. The Money Laundering/Terrorist Financing National Risk Assessment report cites Sunday Standard investigations and details how local communities are being used as ‘grey nodes’ or legal players unknowingly participating in illegal wildlife schemes.

‘It is through this programme that potential investors and partners invest financially with the organisations. Mostly these investors are safari hunting companies,’ the report states.

But it warns that the citizen empowerment model is now vulnerable to abuse.

‘Often, this citizen economic empowerment initiative is abused by investors,’ the report says.

The report shows that the findings will deepen concern within government which now fears that trusts established under the Community Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) programme may have become soft targets for foreign syndicates seeking legal access to wildlife quotas, hunting concessions and community resources.

The report says a community trust entered into an agreement with ‘a notorious rhino poaching syndicate and an international trafficker,’ raising fears of criminal infiltration.

It further states that one syndicate member, who allegedly entered Botswana in 2017, is facing more than 1,000 counts of racketeering, money laundering, fraud, intimidation and illegal hunting in foreign jurisdictions.

‘This presents a high risk to money laundering activities in the wildlife sector in Botswana,’ the report warns.

The report states that although the suspect has not been charged in Botswana, authorities believe he has used a Botswana-registered company through suspected fronting arrangements to gain access to community wildlife resources.

The reports suggests that revelations strike at the heart of Botswana’s conservation and tourism economy.

It says Botswana hosts one of Africa’s largest elephant populations which is estimated at over 130,000, nearly one-third of the continent’s total. Wildlife tourism remains a major economic pillar, contributing around 5 percent of GDP in 2023, while pre-Covid levels had reached as high as 13 to 14 percent.

The report indicates that for many rural communities, wildlife-based enterprises such as trophy hunting, photographic safaris and eco-tourism are lifelines.

But the report says environmental crime now threatens not only biodiversity, but governance itself.

‘Environmental crime has potential to fuel organised crime networks involved in the illegal harvesting and trafficking of wildlife resources and this ultimately weakens the rule of law,’ it states.

It also warns that declining wildlife populations destroy jobs and livelihoods for communities dependent on tourism and sustainable hunting revenues.

The report cites global concerns raised by Prince William during the 2022 Global Summit, where he said the illegal wildlife trade worth up to $20 billion annually fuels violent crime, corruption and strips nations of natural resources.

Construction of the 500MW solar PV plant and battery storage project in Maun has taken off, with Botswana Power Corporation (BPC) expecting the development to cut electricity costs and reduce reliance on imports.

The project, launched last week, is also expected to enhance security of supply, reduce the country’s carbon footprint and lower generation costs by displacing expensive imported power. It forms part of broader efforts to position Botswana as a net electricity exporter in the region.

The plant will be developed under an Independent Power Producer model by O-Green, a company owned by the Sultanate of Oman. During the ground-breaking ceremony, BPC and Okavango Solar, a subsidiary of O-Green, signed a 30-year power purchase agreement.

The development includes a 500MW solar PV plant and a 500MWh Battery Energy Storage System, with construction expected to be completed by the first quarter of 2029. A 2km 400kV transmission line will link the plant to the existing Mawana Substation.

BPC chief executive David Kgoboko said the project comes at a time when the utility is grappling with rising electricity costs, particularly during peak demand periods when power is imported from South Africa and Mozambique.

The battery storage system will allow energy generated during the day to be stored and used during evening and early morning peaks, easing pressure on imports and improving grid stability. The project aligns with government’s Integrated Resource Plan, which targets adding 1.3GW of renewable energy to the grid before 2030.