APON seeks international support to revitalise UI zoological garden

The Animal Protection Organisation of Nigeria (APON) has called for international support to rehabilitate and revitalise the University of Ibadan Zoological Garden.

The organisation made the call after inspecting the facility, during which it identified the need for urgent investment in modern infrastructure, improved animal welfare systems and the development of a more diverse and sustainable animal population.

APON observed a decline in the number and diversity of animals at the zoo, noting the presence of a lone giraffe, limited numbers of chimpanzees and lions, and the absence of species such as gorillas and zebras.

The organisation, however, stressed that its assessment was aimed at identifying practical and sustainable solutions and should not be interpreted as an attempt to apportion blame for the current state of the facility.

To address the challenges, APON proposed the establishment of an international funding mechanism to support the development of modern animal habitats, improved barriers, enhanced safety systems and a dedicated veterinary facility.

It also recommended replacing outdated cages with spacious and enriched environments designed to replicate the animals’ natural habitats more closely.

According to the organisation, any funding programme should also provide for permits, logistics and appropriate ethical procedures to facilitate the responsible introduction of new species after the required infrastructure and animal welfare standards have been put in place.

The founder and Executive Director of APON, Ambassador Joseph Odika, called for the establishment of an emergency infrastructure and repopulation fund.

Odika said a revitalised zoological garden would strengthen the facility’s educational, research and wildlife conservation functions.

Advisers to APON, Mr. Adeleye and Ms. Susan, also stressed the need to prioritise infrastructure, animal welfare and professional management before expanding the animal population.

APON urged international conservation organisations, foundations, philanthropists and zoo networks to support a transparent and independently monitored programme to restore the University of Ibadan Zoological Garden as a leading centre for wildlife education, research and biodiversity conservation in Nigeria and West Africa.

Family announces dates for Ogogo’s remaining burial programmes

The family of late Yoruba actor Taiwo Hassan, popularly known as Ogogo, has announced the dates for the remaining programmes for his burial rites.

The announcement was made by actor Prince Jide Kosoko on Instagram on Wednesday on behalf of the family, which authorised him to issue the statement.

Kosoko said the family appreciated fans, friends, colleagues, associates and well-wishers who attended Ogogo’s burial on Monday, August 24, 2026, noting that the large turnout demonstrated the love and respect they had for the late actor.

The family announced that the eighth-day Fidau prayer for Ogogo will be held on Monday, August 31, 2026, in Ilaro, Ogun State.

It appealed to his fans, colleagues, friends and well-wishers to continue to support the family by attending the prayer in large numbers and joining them in seeking Allah’s mercy for the late actor.

The family also announced a 40-day Artists’ Day in honour of Ogogo, which will be held at the Pavilion Hall, Ilaro.

The event will feature performances by actors, musicians, comedians, singers and other entertainers who will gather to celebrate Ogogo’s life, career and contributions to the entertainment industry.

According to the family, the Artists’ Day is part of the traditional tribute paid by members of the entertainment industry to honour one of its icons.

Tribune Online reports that Ogogo died on Sunday, days after his daughter, Kira, announced that the actor was battling stage four cancer.

The statement reads, ‘MESSAGE OF APPRECIATION AND ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE REMAINING BURIAL PROGRAMMES FOR ALHAJI BABATUNDE TAIWO HASSAN, A.K.A. OGOGO

‘On behalf of the family of our late colleague, Alhaji Babatunde Taiwo HASSAN, a.k.a. Ogogo, I have the mandate of the family to express our profound appreciation to everyone who turned out en masse for his burial on Monday, 24th August 2026.

‘To our numerous fans, friends, colleagues, associates, and well-wishers, your massive presence at the burial was a great demonstration of the love and respect you had for Ogogo while he was alive. We sincerely appreciate every one of you.

‘We may not be able to mention names individually at this time, but Almighty Allah, in His infinite mercy, knows you all. May Allah reward you abundantly, bless you and your families, and ensure that no calamity comes upon you in your lifetime. We pray that your kindness and support will never go unrewarded.

‘The family also wishes to inform everyone of the remaining programmes to complete the burial rites of our beloved Alhaji Babatunde Taiwo HASSAN, a.k.a. Ogogo.

EIGHTH-DAY FIDAU PRAYER

The 8th-day Fidau Prayer will take place on Monday, 31st August 2026, at Ilaro.

‘The family humbly appeals to all friends, colleagues, fans, and well-wishers to continue to rally around the family during this difficult period. We want you to come en masse to Ilaro so that together, we can offer our prayers for the peaceful repose of our beloved colleague and ask Almighty Allah to grant him Al-Jannah Firdaus.

40-DAY ARTISTS’ DAY IN HONOUR OF OGOGO

‘As part of the final activities to honour our late colleague, an Artists’ Day will be held 40 days after his burial at the Pavilion Hall, Ilaro.

‘This will be a special day of performances and entertainment featuring actors, musicians, comedians, singers, and other entertainers, who will come together to celebrate the life and legacy of Alhaji Babatunde Taiwo HASSAN, a.k.a. Ogogo.

‘This is a tradition and a fitting tribute from members of the entertainment industry to one of our great icons, whose contributions to the industry will not be forgotten.

‘The programme will be coordinated by TAMPAN – Theatre and Motion Picture Practitioners of Nigeria.’

Asthma: How to prevent respiratory triggers during rainy season

The rainy season can be difficult for people living with asthma. Changes in humidity, damp indoor spaces, mould, dust, smoke and other irritants can make sensitive airways react more easily.

For Nigerian households, prolonged rainfall can create additional respiratory triggers, particularly when homes have leaking roofs, poor ventilation or persistent dampness. Managing asthma during this period therefore requires more than simply treating symptoms after they appear. The focus should be on identifying and limiting the things that trigger breathing problems.

In this article, Tribune Online highlights the practical ways to protect your breathing during the rainy season.

Keep indoor spaces dry

Rainwater entering through leaking roofs, windows, ceilings and walls can increase moisture inside the home. Check your home regularly for signs of water leakage, particularly after heavy rainfall. Repair damaged roofs, leaking pipes and faulty gutters promptly. Wet floors, walls and furniture should also be dried as quickly as possible.

A room that remains damp for days provides a better environment for mould and other biological contaminants to develop. Keeping the home dry is therefore one of the first steps towards reducing rainy-season respiratory triggers.

Prevent mould from taking over

Mould can develop quickly when moisture remains trapped indoors. Look beyond obvious areas such as bathroom walls. Check behind wardrobes, underneath sinks, around windows, beneath leaking ceilings and on damp furniture. A musty smell can also indicate a moisture problem.

Do not simply paint over mouldy walls. The moisture responsible for the mould needs to be addressed first. People with asthma should also avoid unnecessary exposure to extensive mould during cleaning. If there is a large amount of mould, another person should handle the cleaning where possible.

Keep dust away from your sleeping area

Dust can be particularly troublesome because bedrooms contain several places where it can accumulate. Mattresses, pillows, carpets, curtains and upholstered furniture can collect dust and other particles. Wash bedding regularly and keep it completely dry before use.

When cleaning, avoid vigorous dry dusting that sends particles into the air. A damp cloth can be used on suitable surfaces instead. If dust consistently triggers your symptoms, avoid staying in the room while heavily dusty areas are being cleaned.

Avoid smoke from household sources

Smoke is a major respiratory irritant. For Nigerian households, possible sources include cigarettes, firewood, charcoal and generators. Smoke from cooking with solid fuels can become particularly concentrated when cooking takes place in a poorly ventilated area.

People with asthma should stay away from cigarette smoke, including smoke produced by other people. Generators should also never be operated indoors or in enclosed areas because their exhaust contains dangerous gases in addition to respiratory irritants.

Limit exposure to strong fumes

Some people with asthma find that strong fumes trigger coughing, wheezing or chest tightness. During the rainy season, common household exposures may include insecticides, paint, cleaning chemicals, perfumes and air fresheners.

If you know that a particular product triggers your symptoms, avoid it where possible. When household chemicals must be used, ensure that the area is adequately ventilated and follow the product’s safety instructions. Do not mix different cleaning chemicals in an attempt to make them more powerful.

Protect yourself from weather changes

Rainy-season weather can change rapidly. A hot and humid afternoon can be followed by cooler conditions after rainfall. Some people with asthma find that sudden changes in temperature or cold air trigger symptoms. If you notice a consistent connection between particular weather conditions and your breathing, take note of it. This can help you anticipate situations that may trigger symptoms and discuss them with your healthcare professional.

Keep your asthma medicines within reach

Heavy rainfall can make it difficult to reach pharmacies because of flooding, poor roads or early closures. Keep your reliever inhaler and other prescribed asthma medicines readily available, rather than waiting until they run out. Continue preventer medicines as prescribed, even when you feel well, and ensure you use your inhaler correctly.

Alleged threat: Call Kuje council boss to order, ADC chieftain urges Wike

A chieftain of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) and public affairs analyst, Usman Okai Austin, has urged the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, to caution the Chairman of Kuje Area Council, Samuel Danjuma Shekwolo, over alleged inflammatory comments attributed to him.

Okai, in a statement issued Wednesday in Abuja, expressed concern over a viral comment allegedly made by the Kuje council boss, in which he was said to have threatened to track down critics on social media and asked residents who do not support the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) to leave the area council.

He described the alleged remarks as inappropriate and capable of heightening political tension in the area, urging relevant authorities to intervene before they lead to a breakdown of law and order.

‘The Federal Capital Territory is home to all Nigerians, as well as the international community. We must not allow anyone to escalate tensions.

‘As an executive chairman, his words carry weight. If his supporters act on these threats, the security of the area council will be severely compromised,’ Okai said.

The ADC chieftain urged the Kuje council boss to exercise restraint and uphold the responsibilities attached to his office, noting that political disagreements should not be allowed to degenerate into threats or violence.

He also advised Shekwolo to emulate political leaders he described as advocates of peaceful engagement, including Senator Philip Aduda.

‘Being a local government chairman does not mean one should lack administrative civility. Kuje is known for peace and tolerance, and the leadership must reflect that,’ he said.

Okai subsequently called on security agencies to look into the alleged comments and, if necessary, invite the council chairman to clarify his position.

He said such a step would help prevent further escalation and reinforce the responsibility of political office holders to promote peace and protect residents, regardless of their political affiliations.

TOFAC 2026: Attahiru Jega on reimagining citizenship, democratic ethics, and the moral future of the Nigerian state

In the previous part of this reflective piece, I have been able to show that the crisis of democracy in Nigeria cannot be resolved using institutional reforms alone. Although constitutional reform, integrity of elections, and robustness of public institutions are crucial, they cannot change the nature of a political culture that has always been informed by discrimination, distrust, and instrumentalist use of identities.

While institutions can control political behaviour, they cannot necessarily nurture democratic disposition. This is why Prof. Jega’s keynote allows another and possibly deeper reflection, not only on how the Nigerian state should be governed, but also on the culture of citizenship that can sustain such governance.

A revival of democracy cannot merely be procedural and electoral but also moral and intellectual. It would be not just institutional but civilizational as well. The problem with this approach lies in how the moral and intellectual grounds of governance, as an intercultural enterprise founded on notions of trust, accountability, historical consciousness, and dedication to the common good of all, should be reconsidered. The major message of the keynote address lies in how important electoral integrity is. According to Jega, ‘good democratic governance… is an essential requirement for the progress and development of a modern nation-state.’ Thus, ‘good democratic governance,’ and not merely ‘good governance’ in its narrow definition, is an essential requirement to catalyze socio-economic as well as sustainable development.

Elections are occasions when sovereignty is granted to people. With the loss of legitimacy of elections, there comes the decay of legitimacy of democracy itself. When elections become nothing more than theatrical performance prepared in advance, there is no more participation in civic affairs. But the integrity of elections must not be viewed merely as the efficient conduct of elections or the proper tallying of votes.

These administrative measures are crucial but inadequate. The integrity of elections is a reflection of the ethics of the polity. Elections are fraudulent not only when institutions malfunction but when political agents decide to put expediency above integrity. And democracy requires something more than independent electoral commissions; it requires a citizenry that can recognize that integrity is a precondition for respect and obedience to the constitution.

For many postcolonial democracies, the tragedy is that elections have turned into periods of existential struggle and not political debate. The office of politics has become one of the key means of accessing economic opportunities, safety, and influence. Therefore, to lose an election has become being excluded from society altogether. Such an atmosphere creates favourable conditions for identity politics as it gives people the language to transform their political fears into community action. Elections are no longer about political ideas but about fear. Discourse becomes dominated by stories of historical persecution, regional privilege, and religious insecurity.

In this sense, Jega’s address to the conference explicitly rejects this trend by arguing for issue-based politics that is founded on national rather than sectional interests.

The suggestion that the ‘discourse of politics must be changed from identity to policy’ bears special weight because this suggests shifting the focus of democracy to developmental issues.

National progress is achieved not through homogenization but through negotiation among conflicting visions via institutions that enjoy trust among all actors involved. Yet, this move demands more than mere policy change; it demands a different kind of political imagination. Modern governance often presupposes that development is mainly measured in economic terms – gross domestic product, infrastructure, investment, or financial stability. This is valid, but African philosophy has traditionally considered development using different criteria: healthy communal relations, equal distribution of chances, defense of vulnerable individuals, and building harmony in society.

It is here that the decolonial significance of Jega’s lecture becomes especially apparent. Decolonization is often mistakenly reduced to recovering historical memory or critiquing colonialism. While both remain indispensable, decolonization also requires reconstructing the intellectual categories through which governance itself is imagined. The colonial state privileged hierarchy over participation, administration over dialogue, and control over reciprocity. Democratic renewal therefore demands not merely institutional continuity under indigenous leadership but an epistemic departure from inherited colonial rationalities.

The future of Africa must not be born from epistemic dependency. There exist intellectual traditions in Africa that can help in the creation of new theories on democracy. The consultations, consensus building, mediation, restoration of justice, and communal accountability are the practices that can once again be studied academically. These practices should neither be glorified nor be neglected; they have to engage with constitutional democracy to shape the future of Africa in terms of democratic values. The concept of pluriversality will assist us in recognizing the importance of the most promising idea contained in the keynote address, that is, plurality as a strategic advantage and not political weakness.

According to Jega, ‘Nigeria’s diversity should be seen not as a fault line to be managed but as a strategic strength to be exploited.’ Obviously, this statement rejects the deficit model of thinking that has been prevalent regarding African plurality. Plurality becomes a problem when there are no mechanisms for accommodating multiple identities as equals. This conclusion is amply justified by historical precedent.

African civilizations have not been culturally monolithic throughout history. Trade routes have linked disparate peoples across many decades; migrations allowed for the cultural exchanges that took place alongside competition; religions intersected through accommodation as well as rivalry; multilingualism existed without engendering political conflict. Difference has historically been negotiated rather than eradicated.

Our current fixation on clear-cut boundaries around identities has more to do with the breakdown of continuity inherent in the disruptions introduced by colonial classifications and post-colonial politics than anything else. Citizenship must therefore be made the main political identity in democratic states. But citizenship cannot merely be constitutional citizenship.

Citizenship must become ethical citizenship, a disposition based on mutual recognition, civic duty and public accountability. Citizens must see themselves not just as passive recipients of government policies, but also as active participants in democracy itself. The wisdom of the African proverb is very useful here to understand this perspective of ethics. For instance, for the Akan people, it is commonly known that the village thrives if everybody takes part in the construction of the roof. As is obvious from the proverb, it reflects a certain political axiom according to which the work of governance cannot be delegated to politicians alone.

To maintain democracy, the contribution of teachers, journalists, historians, religious leaders, students, entrepreneurs, civil society organizations, and average citizens is needed. Nations fall not just due to the failure of their leaders but due to the disintegration of civic virtues. At the same time, the keynote gives us an opportunity to think about the place of the scholar in all of this process. Universities play an important role in democratic societies, being responsible for critical thinking and historical memory. Consequently, academic scholarship must not become abstract speculation or propaganda. Historians, political scientists, sociologists, philosophers, and jurists have a responsibility to develop what can be called ‘democratic literacy.’

The need is especially pressing at a time when the digital age brings disinformation, polarization through algorithms, and fragmenting public discussion. Historically uninformed citizens are vulnerable to manipulative politics. People ignorant about the historical process of federalism, constitutional development, colonial administration, or interethnic cooperation are vulnerable to simple explanations that make up enemies in order to blame them for national problems instead of acknowledging governance failings. For these reasons, history goes beyond being an academic subject; it becomes a vital tool of democracy.

One of the key points of the lecture is his optimistic perspective. Even in providing such an unforgiving analysis of governance problems in Nigeria, he refuses to fall into a fatalistic attitude. He assumes throughout that institutional reform, good governance, civic engagement, and accountability are possible. This is not to say that such an optimistic perspective can be considered naïve. It is instead a belief in the role of historical agency, that is, that people are neither prisoners of their past nor automatically released from it.

Jega’s final appeal can be seen as a call for a reassessment of the project of democracy in Nigeria from the perspectives of history, ethics, and citizenship. If identity politics continues to serve as the subject matter of the lecture, then its true essence lies in the moral framework of governance. Identity takes on dangerous overtones when the system of democratic governance fails to harness diversity through the processes of justice, inclusion, and accountability. For Nigeria, the issue is not one of obliterating diversity but rather developing democratic cultures that can harness diversity and convert it into a source of strength.

Southern, Middle Belt leaders reject FG’s pilot ranching programme

The Southern and Middle Belt Leaders Forum (SMBLF) has rejected the Federal Government’s proposed pilot ranching scheme in Nasarawa, Plateau, Benue, Southern Kaduna, Taraba states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), describing it as an attempt to take over lands belonging to ethnic communities.

The group also demanded full disclosure of the proposed ranching sites, legal instruments for their acquisition, ownership structure, beneficiaries, size of the lands involved and sources of funding.

The leaders gave their position in a statement jointly signed by His Royal Majesty, Oba Oladipo Olaitan, Leader, Afenifere and Chairman, SMBLF; Dr Bitrus Pogu, President, Middle Belt Forum; Senator John Azuta-Mbata, President-General, Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide; and Ambassador Godknows Igali, National Chairman, Pan Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF), in Abuja on Wednesday.

The SMBLF said it was ‘alarmed by the audacious attempt by the Federal Government to take over lands belonging to ethnic communities in the Middle Belt under a spurious ‘pilot scheme’ being introduced in the name of a New National Livestock Policy.’

The leaders questioned why the proposed scheme was concentrated largely in the Middle Belt despite the availability of ‘vast expanses of sparsely populated and unused land’ in parts of the far North, arguing that the region should provide land for grazing reserves.

‘It is striking that this experiment is being concentrated almost entirely in the Middle Belt, despite the vast expanses of sparsely populated and unused land available in many parts of the far North, where Fulani Emirs dominate most of the lands,’ they said.

The forum stressed that it was not opposed to modern livestock production, ranching or the development of the livestock value chain, but rejected what it described as the ‘opaque, coercive and discriminatory manner’ in which the policy was being pursued.

The leaders said the policy appeared to favour nomadic Fulani herdsmen, warning that a pilot scheme, if allowed to proceed, could eventually be expanded to the Southern states.

‘The scheme is being presented as a pilot, but if it is not firmly opposed by the communities whose lands are being short-changed, it will inevitably be expanded to other parts of the country, including the Southern States,’ the statement said.

The SMBLF also aligned itself with the Middle Belt Forum, which had earlier rejected the scheme, and called on communities and governments in the South to be prepared to resist the policy.

The leaders argued that the Land Use Act of 1978 did not give the federal government a licence for arbitrary land acquisition, saying the law recognised customary rights of occupancy and permitted revocation only in the overriding public interest.

They added that ranching was a private economic enterprise and, therefore, government should not use the concept of public interest to disguise compulsory land acquisition for specific economic actors.

The forum expressed suspicion that the policy could result in permanent settlement zones for nomadic Fulani herdsmen, citing the violent conflicts that had affected communities across the Middle Belt and parts of the South.

It recalled previous proposals, including the Rural Grazing Area (RUGA) and cattle colony schemes, which were rejected by Nigerians over concerns about land ownership and demographic restructuring.

‘The SMBLF will not accept such a policy. We warn the Federal Government that the Middle Belt and the South are not dumping grounds for controversial land policies,’ the leaders declared.

They insisted that the lands belonged to communities that depended on them for farming, homes, livelihoods and survival.

The group therefore demanded transparency on the proposed ranching programme, including the exact locations of the sites, the legal instruments backing their acquisition, ownership structure, security implications, beneficiaries, size of the land and sources of funding.

‘Until these questions are answered transparently and the rights of affected communities are fully protected, the SMBLF rejects the proposed ranching scheme in the Middle Belt and the South,’ the statement said.

The leaders warned that they would ‘resist every attempt to seize community lands under the guise of livestock development.’

Nigeria’s no condom politics

HE liked two-somes. Yeah, two women at a time, all night. His appetite was legendary. Wild appetite, wild ways. His tongue was razor-sharp for a man too, worse than the late Sisi Quadri’s tongue in a sleep mode. Fola could get it up anytime, even when he was just retrieving his third leg from in between the thighs of another woman.

So how did he ‘catch’ Lilly?

Maybe the more appropriate question is: how did Lilly fall for a man like Fola?

And she fell hard.

So hard, she got pregnant for Fola while they were both still in the university.

Fola told her in no nice terms to go get an abortion. A baby was going to cramp his style, slow his life down, take his nightclub funds. He wasn’t having any of that.

Lilly would not trap him into marriage or any kind of commitment just because she was pregnant.

No way!

Lilly cried premium tears. She begged. Threatened to curse him. Fola cursed right back. He stood his sinful ground.

Lilly refused to have that abortion because she wanted to do life differently from her mother. She wanted love, romance and happily ever after. She wanted a man she could call her own, a home full of affection and warmth.

Not a life like her mother’s, where three children had three fathers.

Or like her aunty, who ended up with a man who abused her both physically and emotionally.

But see Lilly’s life outside, as the Yorubas would say.

She had to fall in love with Fola, wild, disrespectful Fola, who had no single romantic bone in his body. She got knocked up by Fola, who saw marriage as a trap.

Was Lilly stupid? Naive? Or had life and fate simply dealt her an unfortunate hand?

Lilly had the baby, a boy, a splitting image of his father, plus a birthmark his grandfather had in exactly the same spot.

The baby’s grandmother gasped when she saw it.

That closed the ‘the baby can’t be mine’ chapter. Firmly.

But it didn’t shift Fola’s stand.

He continued in his hard, bad ways, single at 39.

Hopeful Lilly also remained single, waiting for Fola to change, for Fola to retire from two-somes and mad clubbing.

For where?

And that is where Lilly’s story stops being merely the story of one foolishly hopeful woman and becomes the story of a country.

Because why do these things happen?

Why do some good girls keep falling for Folas?

Why do good people keep believing that the bad man will become good simply because they love him enough?

Why do the Folas of this world get to impregnate devoted Lilies?

Why does a girl who wants to break a lineage jinx sometimes fall into the same pit that buried the good heads of her ancestors?

And why does all this remind me of Nigerian politics?

Why?

Because sometimes, Nigeria is Lilly.

And our politicians?

Well, ladies and gentlemen, meet Fola.

Our Fola politicians have been telling us exactly who they are for decades.

They don’t even hide it.

They arrive during campaigns with music, dancers, brooms, umbrellas, caps, wrappers, stomach infrastructure, promises and speeches long enough to put a village to sleep.

They tell us they love us.

They call us ‘my people’.

‘My dear people of Nigeria.’

‘My brothers and sisters.’

‘My people.’

They suddenly remember the road leading to our villages and huts. They launch into well-rehearsed poems and we offer them our ‘mumu buttons’. Politicians, they know how to tweak them until we moan and ask for more. We even clap and tell them to go harder and faster. We just forget that we were fooled the last time and the time before that too.

We conveniently forget that 50 doctors have ‘japaed’ from our hospital and there are only 10 remaining to attend to 5,000 patients. We forget that the nurses they promised to employ are still inside some dusty file on the table of one civil servant and his blue cocky necktie.

The schools? They no longer look or feel like schools. The teachers look more dilapidated than the classrooms. Three government teachers, 25 PTA teachers. The schools that have mathematics teachers do not have English teachers. The ones that have Chemistry teachers do not have Math and Biology teachers. What are those poor students supposed to become with their Physics/ Yoruba/ CRS combination ?

Yet, their parents are members, even chieftains of the ruling political party. Their Uncles and aunties have been voting since 1999.

Were they all like Lilly waiting for Fola to become ‘born-again’?

Thank goodness Lilly was smart enough not to open her oven for Fola to dump another bun.

But in Nigeria, all we do is open our legs for the politicians to come and go as they like, without condom too. That is why there are more flyovers than secondary school laboratories. That is why regular budgetary allocations are made every four years for brand-new cars, not replacement of teachers, nurses and doctors who retired. What do governors have against employing critical workers? Why is it rocket science to go to universities and grab the best graduating doctors and nurses and giving them flats and even tokunbo cars? Is that more expensive than the ‘estacodes’ for foreign training and ‘DTA’ for conferences that improve nothing?

Politicians, how do they sleep knowing that the young person whose CV has become a prayer book is losing faith?

Each time Fola disappears into the nightclub, leaving Nigeria outside, waiting like Lilly, something dies.

This is the strange tragedy of Nigerian politics: we often judge politicians by what they promise to become rather than by what they have consistently been.

A politician has failed us three times, but tells us that the fourth time will be different.

We believe him.

A governor who leaves roads full of craters, children stranded in school comes and start a song and a dance and the voters jump in, prancing and shaking their waists. No be juju be that? Okay, it is not juju, what is it? And how did we get here? Six seasons of election and still so many problems.

We still listen. We still allow them to do their two-somes and three-somes. They turn us like booli, plantain-on-the-roast ? Sixand still pay us in fake currency, or at best old tattered notes. Can you imagine!

And we clap.

Lilly, my sister, move over.

Nigeria has joined you.

But there is another uncomfortable part of Lilly’s story.

She doesn’t merely love Fola.

She needs Fola to become the man she imagined him to be, because admitting that she chose wrongly is painful.

That is exactly what happens in politics.

Sometimes, after voting for a politician, people become emotionally invested in defending him.

Even when the evidence is sitting in front of them.

They will say:

‘Give him time.’

‘Maybe he inherited the problem.’

‘His predecessor was worse.’

‘He is trying.’

‘Something will happen.’

‘Don’t criticise him now.’

‘He will do better during his second term.’

‘Let us support our own.’

‘Your own politician is not better.’

Before long, governance will become football where you are no longer asking whether your team is winning.

You start defending the jersey.

And that is dangerous.

Because democracy is not supposed to be a marriage where you stay with a terrible spouse because you have already spent money on the wedding ceremony.

Democracy is supposed to be a marketplace of ideas where citizens can say: You promised A. You delivered B. We are moving on.

But Nigerian voters sometimes behave like Lilly, who says, ‘Maybe he will change.’

Maybe?

After four years?

After eight?

After another election?

How many chances does Fola need?

How many pregnancies must happen before Lilly admits that Fola is not preparing or prepared for marriage?

This is where election becomes particularly interesting.

Election season is the period when politicians suddenly become romantic.

They bring flowers.

They sing love songs.

They call.

They visit.

They hug.

They kiss babies they have never met.

They kneel before elderly women.

They eat roasted corn in public.

They sit on mats.

They drink sachet water.

They dance with market women.

They speak the language of suffering.

They tell us they understand.

Then they ask for one little thing.

Our vote.

Just one.

Lilly knows Fola is a philanderer.

But Fola knows exactly how to make her feel special, the charming bastard. Pardon my French.

That is politics.

The politician doesn’t necessarily need to become good.

He only needs to become convincing.

And this is why elections are not merely about candidates.

They are about memory.

A voter without political memory is Lilly waiting for Fola to change.

A voter with political memory asks:

What did you do the last time?

What happened to the promise you made?

Where is the road?

Where are the jobs or enabling environment for job creation?

Where are the new waterworks?

Are the communities safer?

Are the schools better equipped?

Do the hospitals now have MRI and CT-Scan machines?

Is accountability now a watchword in public service?

And perhaps the most important question:

Why should I trust you again?

That question can save a country.

Unfortunately, Nigerian politicians sometimes understand our emotional weaknesses better than we understand our political power.

They know hunger can make a voter vulnerable.

They know poverty can turn 10,000 into a powerful campaign instrument.

They know ethnic sentiment can overpower evidence.

They know religion can become political armour.

They know ‘our son’ can be more important than ‘good governance’.

They know that when the election comes, many voters will forget yesterday’s pain because somebody has brought rice today.

And then we repeat the cycle.

Four years later, we are angry again.

We curse again.

We complain again.

Then Fola comes back.

And Lilly opens the door.

This is not to say that every politician is Fola, or every voter is Lilly.

There are good politicians.

There are principled voters.

There are citizens who have learned to ask questions and demand accountability.

But the broader lesson remains.

We cannot keep choosing politicians because of who we desperately want them to become. We must choose them because of who their records show they already are.

Lilly wanted to break a family cycle.

That was admirable.

But wanting a different life does not automatically produce a different life.

You must make different choices.

Nigeria wants a different political future.

Beautiful.

But wanting a different Nigeria while repeatedly rewarding the same political behaviour is like Lilly waiting in Fola’s bedroom with a wedding gown while Fola is outside booking another two-some.

Something has to give.

We must stop confusing charisma with character.

We must stop confusing campaign generosity with governance.

We must stop confusing political noise with performance.

We must stop mistaking a politician’s ability to entertain us for his ability to govern us.

And, most importantly, we must stop treating elections like romantic relationships where betrayal is forgiven because ‘but he loves me’.

No.

Love is not enough.

A country cannot eat love.

A state cannot build a hospital with sweet speeches.

A young graduate cannot pay rent with ‘my dear people’.

A farmer cannot fertilise his farm with campaign promises. A pensioner cannot buy drugs with a politician’s smile.

Governance is work.

Leadership is responsibility.

Democracy is accountability.

And elections are the opportunity to decide who gets another chance to serve.

So, dear Lilly, perhaps Fola will change one day.

Perhaps he won’t.

But please don’t build your entire future around the possibility that a man who has repeatedly shown you who he is will suddenly wake up one morning and become the man you imagined.

And Nigeria, dear Nigeria, please listen carefully.

The next time Fola arrives with music, dancers, promises, bags of rice and a microphone, don’t faint from excitement.

Ask him questions.

Hard questions.

Where were you?

What did you do?

What did you fail to do?

How much did you spend?

What will you do differently?

And most importantly:

Why should we trust you?

Because perhaps the biggest mistake Lilly made was not loving Fola.

It was loving the Fola she hoped he would become, instead of judging the Fola standing in front of her.

And perhaps Nigeria’s biggest political mistake is exactly the same.

We keep falling in love with the politician in the manifesto.

We forget the politician in the mirror.

We vote for tomorrow’s Fola while ignoring yesterday’s Fola.

Then, after the election, when the promises disappear and reality arrives, we cry.

Premium tears.

Again.

And again.

And again.

Maybe the real question before every Nigerian election is not ‘Who do I like?’ but ‘Who has earned my trust?’

That is the question Lilly should have asked too.

Over two million Nigerians living with avoidable blindness – Ophthalmologists

More than two million Nigerians are living with avoidable blindness, largely caused by cataracts, the Ophthalmological Society of Nigeria (OSN) has said.

The Vice-President of the society, Prof. Abubakar Rafindadi, disclosed this on Wednesday at a press briefing ahead of the 51st Annual General Meeting and Annual Scientific Conference, Abuja ASO 2026, scheduled for September 2 to 4 in Abuja.

The conference, themed ‘Re-imaging Eye Care in the Digital Era,’ will focus on the application of artificial intelligence, tele-ophthalmology, digital diagnostics and other emerging technologies to improve access to eye care in Nigeria.

Rafindadi said despite ongoing efforts to tackle avoidable blindness, the country was yet to attain the cataract surgical rates required to significantly reduce the burden.

‘The statistics have not changed dramatically. We are still fighting a heavy burden of avoidable blindness, with over two million people having avoidable blindness, mainly a lot of cataracts, despite the efforts we are making.

‘We are not matching the required cataract surgical rates that we need,’ he said.

The OSN Vice-President, however, said the country had recorded significant progress in ophthalmic training, technology and service delivery since its last annual conference.

He identified the establishment of simulation centres in Lagos and Ibadan as one of the major developments, saying the facilities would enable ophthalmologists to improve their skills in cataract and vitreoretinal surgery.

Rafindadi said the society had also expanded the integration of eye care into primary healthcare, with the number of states participating in the programme increasing from 14 to 21.

According to him, more than 2,500 primary healthcare workers have been trained under the programme, including during a recent exercise in Bauchi State.

He said the society was also exploring technology, including tele-screening and artificial intelligence, to extend quality eye care to rural communities and underserved populations in urban centres.

Rafindadi noted that although Nigeria had become increasingly urbanised, many people living in underserved communities within major cities still faced difficulties accessing quality eye care.

He said, ‘We are trying to see how we can adopt the new technological innovations to reach the rural populace and also the underserved populace within the metropolis.

‘We are looking at how we can use technology to bridge these gaps through things like tele-screening, artificial intelligence technology and so on.’

The OSN Vice-President also highlighted improvements in the availability of ophthalmic equipment and advanced surgical services, noting that posterior segment surgeries were now being offered in several parts of the country where such services were previously unavailable.

He said centres in Benin, Lagos, Ibadan, Kaduna and Kano were among those providing advanced posterior segment surgical services.

Rafindadi said the society was also concerned about the shortage and uneven distribution of ophthalmologists and other eye-care professionals across the country.

He attributed the concentration of specialists in major population centres partly to insecurity and inadequate employment opportunities in rural areas.

According to him, state and local governments must increase the employment of ophthalmologists, optometrists, opticians and ophthalmic nurses to ensure equitable distribution of eye-care services.

He further disclosed that more than 1.5 million reading glasses had been distributed under the Jigibola 2.0 initiative, with a target of five million by 2027.

On the dangers of harmful traditional eye practices, Rafindadi urged Nigerians to avoid unverified substances and treatments that could result in irreversible loss of vision.

He said the society was working with government and traditional medicine institutions to identify practices that could be safely integrated into healthcare while eliminating harmful ones.

‘We must keep talking to the public. Please don’t go to these people. They should be aware that these practices can be harmful and can cause irreversible loss of vision to them,’ he said.

Meanwhile, the OSN said it would conduct more than 500 free cataract surgeries as part of activities preceding the 51st Annual General Meeting and Scientific Conference.

The cataract surgery outreach, scheduled for August 27 and 28, with the possibility of extending to August 29 if necessary, is expected to benefit patients screened and selected from various centres in the Federal Capital Territory and neighbouring areas.

The society said more than 500 patients had already been selected and medically assessed as fit for surgery.

Rafindadi said the society would use the conference to develop evidence-based recommendations and a strategic roadmap for improving eye care delivery in the country.

Why Peter Obi will defeat Tinubu, Atiku in 2027 – Sam Amadi

Director of the Abuja School of Social and Political Thoughts, Sam Amadi, has explained why the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) presidential candidate, Peter Obi, could defeat President Bola Tinubu and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar in the 2027 general elections.

Speaking during an interview on Symfoni TV, Sam Amadi said the electoral map does not guarantee victory for either Tinubu or Atiku, arguing that Obi’s growing support among Nigerian youths could give him an advantage.

He said Tinubu entered the 2023 election with the perception that he had Lagos State firmly behind him, despite limited campaigning in the state.

According to Amadi, Obi’s support base has continued to grow, particularly among young Nigerians seeking an alternative political leadership.

Amadi also based his prediction on the support Obi received during the 2023 presidential election, arguing that if the election had been free, fair and credible, Obi would have emerged as President.

‘There is this sense that Nigeria needs something new, and the restiveness and disruption during the 2020 EndSARS incident is a milestone for Obi.

‘In the last election, Peter Obi had almost more than half of the electorate on his side. There were clear indications that he won in Rivers, Plateau and some Northern states but INEC didn’t declare him winner,’ Amadi said.

Kwara: We’ll remain in APC to cause change in govt – Aggrieved members

Despite the festering crisis among stakeholders of the APC in Kwara State, aggrieved members of the party under the aegis of The Otoge Progressives (TOP) on Wednesday said they would remain in the ruling party to vote against the current leadership of the party in the 2027 general election.

Speaking at a stakeholders’ rally in Ilorin, members of TOP, including former APC governorship and National Assembly aspirants, as well as other political leaders and elders, said they were presently working with the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to effect a change in government in the state.

Addressing the stakeholders, one of the APC elders’ caucus members, Chief James Ayeni, said that a change in government was necessary.

‘We’re still members of the APC. We’re only working with another party to have a change of government. We need a change of government, definitely.

‘It’s quite unfortunate. We had thought we’ll make a big difference among the people when we had Otoge revolution in 2019. So, it’s necessary we have a change of government in the state now with what’s happening. Government is not for one person. It’s not a company where you have overall boss. It’s a contribution of everyone that makes a government. We can’t make you a leader and think you can do whatever you want on your own’, he said.

Also speaking, the senator representing Kwara Central Senatorial District, Senator Salihu Mustapha, said that the 2027 elections would be used to reset the political landscape in the state.

He, therefore, urged his supporters, stakeholders and the electorate to come out and vote massively for President Bola Tinubu and all the candidates under the rainbow coalition.

He said that, ‘we should use the next elections to reset the political landscape of the state. We should all be ready to vote wisely and all guide our votes during the election.

‘We are here today to thank all of you for your dedication and support. Our over the years philanthropy will speak for us at the polls’.

In his speech, a former Commissioner of Justice and Attorney General, Salman Jawondo (SAN), said that members of TOP would support the candidature of the incumbent occupant of the Kwara Central senatorial seat, Senator Saliu Mustapha, who is now the PDP candidate for the position, and President Bola Tinubu’s second term in the forthcoming general elections.

While addressing the people, a former governorship aspirant, Senator Yahaya Oloriegbe, said that people needed approachable representatives to represent them in the National Assembly and attract welfare and better development.

He enjoined groups and associations of Ilorin Emirate indigenes to be conscious of collective responsibility, saying that it was someone who emerged from the people’s choice that would work for them.

He said there was a total of 1,204 polling units in Kwara Central, urging the people to come out en masse and vote for Saliu Mustapha in the 2027 general elections.