Category: Sunday Standard

Former President Festus Mogae’s death has triggered the expected tributes: the statistics, the statesmanship, the global acclaim. The world remembers the Nobel worthy HIV/AIDS response, the fiscal discipline, the calm stewardship of a country that often seemed too sensible for the chaos of its region.

But there is another side to Mogae’s legacy that deserves equal remembrance, one that may never fit neatly into official speeches.

It is the story of a president who understood that democracy is not tested by how leaders treat their friends, but how they treat their critics.

And I know this because I was one of his fiercest critics. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, as Editor of Botswana Guardian, I had together with my colleague Ernest Chilisa, waged a relentless editorial war against Mogae and his administration. We published stinging exposes on his role in the Owens Corning North South Carrier Water Scandal. We questioned his leadership style. One of our most controversial stories – ‘The Shrinking President’ – became symbolic of a newsroom that refused to genuflect before power.

The response from government was swift and punitive. The Mogae administration withdrew government advertising from the Botswana Guardian and its sister publication, The Midweek Sun. It was an economic embargo meat to suffocate independent journalism.

We fought back in court.

And in a judgement that would become a landmark for media freedom in Botswana, Justice Isaac Lesetedi ruled in our favour. That ruling mattered because, under Mogae, institutions still possessed enough independence to embarrass the state. Today, government still operates an undeclared advertising ban against the private media. But no media house dares challenge it in court anymore. Not because the precedent disappeared, but because confidence in institutional independence has eroded so profoundly that editors and publishers fear the judiciary itself may no longer defend the principle it once upheld.

That contrast may be one of the clearest measures of Mogae’s legacy.

Ironically, my deepest understanding of the man came not during battle, but during an unexpected act of grace. Sometime in June 2006, I received one of the most unlikely phone calls of my career. The voice on the other end of the line was from the Office of the President, informing that Mogae wanted me to join him on a trip to Japan for ‘Botswana Week’ in Tokyo.

I was stunned.

At the time, our relationship with government was openly hostile. I had recently left Botswana Guardian to co-found the Sunday Standard together with Spencer Mogapi and Professor Malema. We were struggling to survive a hostile takeover bid.

Peo Venture Capital, then jointly owned by Debswana and De Beers had funded the newspaper. But the late Louis Nchindo had approached Peo seeking to buy their controlling stake in the Sunday Standard. We were given 30 days to match his offer or lose the newspaper.

It was a terrifying moment. Nchindo’s influence within Botswana’s corporate and political establishment was immense. No commercial bank wanted to antagonize a man so closely associated with Debswana by financing us against him.

So when Mogae’s invitation arrived, Japan was honestly the last place I wanted to be. But I accepted, anyway. And somewhere in Tokyo, during what began as a casual conversation, Mogae asked how the Sunday Standard was doing. Eventually the discussion drifted towards Nchindo’s attempted takeover.

I expected indifference. Perhaps even quite satisfaction. Instead, Mogae surprised me. He asked why we had not approached Citizen Entrepreneurial Development Agency (CEDA) for funding.

I laughed off the idea. Given our long and bitter history with government, I told him it was inconceivable that a state-owned institution would finance people who had spent years attacking the presidency.

Mogae disagreed. Firmly. ‘The fact that you have a hostile relationship with government does not make you any less Motswana or patriotic’, he told me. ‘We have had an adversarial history and we will probably have and adversarial future. It is the occupational hazard of the careers we have chosen, but that does not take away your citizenship rights to benefit from citizen empowerment schemes.’

That sentence revealed more about Festus Mogae than a thousand polished tributes ever could. He understood something many African leaders never do: the state does not belong to the ruling party. Government resources are not rewards for loyalty and citizenship rights do not expire because one is inconvenient to power.

CEDA eventually funded us. We bought out Peo. And the Sunday Standard survived.

At Mogae’s memorial service this week, the then CEDA Managing Director, Dr. Thapelo Matsheka publicly confirmed the behind the scenes pressure surrounding the decision. ‘Rre Nchindo had leveraged his friendship to President Mogae and would come heavy on me’, Matsheka recalled.

‘Rre Nchindo was livid and went to report at Mogae’s office. I was again called to explain myself. Mogae understood my position and let it be.’

Then came the line that perfectly captured Mogae’s dry humor and appreciation for institutional independence.

‘I reminded Rre Mogae later, when he had a fallout with Nchindo, that if he had interfered, Nchindo would have been using the paper to bash him, and he laughed.’

That laughter matters. Because it reflected a rare confidence in democratic contestation, confidence in criticism, confidence in institutions stronger that personalities. In fact, he publicly stated that he believed in strong institutions and not strong men.

Mogae was not a perfect president. No honest tribute should pretend otherwise. His administration could be cold, technocratic and occasionally heavy-handed. His government did punish the media economically. Many journalists, myself included experienced that hostility directly. But even at his most adversarial, there remained lines he would not cross. He understood that institutions matter more than temporary political victories. He understood that courts must sometimes rule against the state. He understood that empowerment institutions should not become political weapons. He understood that a newspaper critical of government still has a right to exist. And perhaps most importantly, he understood that leadership requires enough self-confidence to tolerate dissent.

That culture feels increasingly endangered today. In an era were criticism is often treated as treason, where institutions are expected to kneel before political power and where access to state resources increasingly appears contingent on political loyalty, Mogae’s conduct now feels almost unfashionably democratic.

This may ultimately become one of his greatest legacies. Not merely that he governed Botswana competently. But that he governed it without demanding that everyone become his poodle.

It was a tough professional debut for Ntungamili Raguin at the ITF (International Tennis Federation) Gaborone M15 tournament this past week.

The 17-year-old lost his first professional match 7 – 5, 3 – 6, 5 – 7 against USA’s Preston Brown. Despite a spirited fight, against a much taller, physically imposing and experienced professional opponent, Ntungamili’s inexperience was all there apparent to see.

A nervous start, which was compounded later by faults which led to a loss of crucial points made things difficult for the teenager. In his post-match interview, the youngster alluded that the early nerves had taken a lot out of him. So much, he says, he felt fatigued towards the end of the deciding set.

In the end, this cost him the match as he failed to make it count when he was serving for the match. Despite leading 5 – 2, the youngster somehow failed to clinch the match as Brown fought back to eventually snatch it.

Reflecting on the match, Raguin’s coach Killian Sinclair said ‘he was disappointed but happy.’ ‘It shows we still have a lot to work on. I think he’s got a lot of good things, a lot of character. He tried very hard until the end, which is one of the most important things.’

‘The main goal we set when we came here was about how he presented himself and the attitude he had, and I think that was a success today. Especially since he didn’t convert one of his match points, of course. But overall, I think it was a positive match. Hopefully he doesn’t take it too hard. I’m disappointed but happy.’

This being his first professional match, and against a physically mature and imposing opponent, there were however good takeaways. This was an experience the teenager needed as he charts his way towards professional tennis.

‘It’s good because it shows that there are many different types of tennis players. Today he played someone who’s very, very tall, very heavy, serves very, very well. That’s the reality of tennis – there are a lot of people like this, and in juniors you don’t get that experience so much.’

‘So, it’s a very good thing to play some men’s tennis now, because that’s the goal. As much as we want to do well at the French Open, we have goals that go way beyond juniors. It’s important to get the experience now so that he doesn’t have that shock later,’ Sinclair says.

While losing from a winning position in his first professional match was hard to take, glimpses of huge potential Raguin has were all out for everyone to see. In fact, as he sets sights in competing on playing the men’s grand slams and competing well in them in the future, Batswana can be excited.

Regarding the many faults which cost Raguin some valuable points, coach Sinclair is not worried. He says the faults were expected. He attributes the faults to works they are doing to improve his play as well as the pressure of playing an experienced quality opponent.

‘It’s partly by design because we’ve been working on improving his shot quality, and when you work to improve your shot quality, it comes with a few more mistakes.’

‘But it’s also because of the quality of his opponent. Today he played a professional player – it’s different than playing the juniors that you’ve seen him play here. So, it’s a mix of both, I would say.’

Even more interesting for coach Sinclair was how the youngster is handling the pressure. ‘Mentally, he’s been really making strides recently. It’s tough because the better he plays, the higher the level. The better he plays, the more pressure he feels – the pressure from others, or in general pressure for himself, what he wants to achieve. It’s been a little time for him to adapt to that. But he’s going through it and he’s on a good path I would say.’

With the first professional match now behind him, Raguin will be looking forward to his next outing. This will be this coming week when he returns to the court again for his second professional match. For him, these matches also serve as preparations for the upcoming Rolland Garros Junior Championships, Davies Cup Africa Group IV and hopefully Junior Wimbledon.

‘We have still next week here, next week as well, and we go straight to the French Open after that. He has his final exams in school – he’s still in school. Then we have a small break with, or break here’s the Davis Cup in Kenya. He’s really excited about that. And then we’re gonna go to England, and depending if he’s in or not,’ Sinclair says.

As for the young Raguin, his eyes are set on the next ITF Gaborone M15 match. His wish is just to do his best and make the country proud. As for what the future holds, only time will tell.

There are moments when a nation buries a leader, only to discover that he is still speaking.

When news broke that former president, Festus Mogae had died, Botswana paused. But as the tributes flowed, something unexpected happened. HIV/AIDS returned.

Not in hospitals. Not in statistics buried deep inside ministry reports and not in donor conferences or technical presentations.

It returned in conversations. Suddenly, Batswana are talking again, really talking about the disease that once stalked every homestead, every cattle post and every family gathering.

On radio call-in programmes, people remember the funerals. In taxis, passengers recall entire neighborhoods losing young men and women in the space of weeks. At workplaces, older employees speak about a time when attendance registers slowly became lists of the dead.

For the first time in years, HIV/AIDS is no longer a ‘health sector issue’. It is personal again.

And in a strange and deeply emotional way, Mogae is leading the conversation once more.

In death, the former president is accomplishing what years of awareness campaigns have struggled to do, he has forced Botswana to remember what HIV/AIDS once meant.

For younger generations, it is difficult to fully grasp the fear that once consumed Botswana. There was a time when funerals were so commonplace that black mourning cloth seemed like the national dress code. Teachers disappeared from classrooms; police officers vanished from police stations. Every family carried grief.

Botswana was not merely fighting a health crisis. It was fighting for survival. By the late 1990s and early 2000s, HIV prevalence had become so severe that international observers openly questioned whether the country could survive the epidemic intact. The infection rate was among the highest in the world. Life expectancy collapsed dramatically. Hospitals overflowed. Some feared Botswana would become a hollowed-out state populated by orphans and the elderly.

Across much of Africa at the time, HIV/AIDS remained wrapped in stigma and shame and denial. Denialism and silence infected political leadership across parts of the continent. Across the border in South Africa, Thabo Meki’s Thabo Mbeki’s HIV/AIDS denialism was institutional, highly intellectualized, and deeply rooted in post-colonial suspicion. Rather than a simple rejection of science, it was a complex ideological stance that actively weaponized state policy against orthodox medicine, resulting in an estimated 330,000 avoidable deaths. Her Minister of Health Manto Tshabalala-Msimang

earned the moniker ‘Dr. Beetroot’, because she rejected the scientific consensus on antiretroviral drugs (ARVs), continuously claiming they were highly toxic and Western conspiracies designed to harm Africans. She publicly championed a diet of beetroot, garlic, lemon, and African potato as legitimate cures and preventions for AIDS. She actively blocked and delayed the national rollout of life-saving ARV programs.

In Swaziland,King Mswati III, while not questioning the existence of the virus, Africa’s last absolute monarch long displayed governance-level denialism regarding its transmission.Rather than accepting epidemiological models focusing on structural and clinical intervention, he treated the epidemic purely as a moral failing.In 2001, to combat the world’s highest HIV prevalence rate, he invoked Umchwasho-a traditional five-year chastity rite that banned all women under 18 from having sex or shaking hands with men under penalty of a fine (one cow). The policy completely distracted from required condom distribution and clinical public health messaging.

Further up north, in Gambia, the then presidentYahya Jammehtook denialism a step further by claiming personal spiritual powers over the virus. Jammeh claimed that Western medicine was entirely unnecessary to treat HIV/AIDS. In Tanzania, President John Magufuli systematically suppressed health infrastructure that targeted marginalized populations, denying the efficacy of targeted HIV programming. His government banned the registration and operation of specialized drop-in centers and suspended the distribution of lubricants used for HIV prevention, falsely claiming that expanding access to these medical prevention tools promoted homosexuality.

Leaders avoided confronting the disease directly. Communities whispered about it and families concealed it.

Then came Mogae.

The soft-spoken economist did something rare for a leader of his generation. He spoke openly about HIV/AIDS with brutal honesty. He did not moralize it. He confronted it head on as a national emergency.

His honesty changed everything. Under his leadership, Botswana pioneered one of Africa’s most ambitious antiretroviral treatment programmes. The country rolled out free antiretroviral therapy at a time when many developing nations were still debating whether such treatment was financially viable. Botswana became a global model for aggressive HIV intervention, earning admiration from international health agencies and researchers. But statistics alone cannot capture what that Mogae’s leadership achieved.

What he really gave Botswana was hope and a fighting chance. He convinced ordinary Batswana that getting tested was not surrender. He encouraged families to talk openly. He normalised treatment at a time when many infected people still hid in fear. He shifted HIV/AIDS from being a whispered shame to a fight that belonged to the whole country. Botswana began clawing itself back from disaster. Because of his efforts, Botswana today maintains some of the best HIV treatment outcomes in the world. Viral suppression rates remain globally respected. Antiretroviral access is universal. Thousands of lives have been saved.

Yet beneath those achievements lies a quieter and more dangerous problem. The younger generation is forgetting. Many young Batswana were born after the darkest years of the epidemic. They grew up in a Botswana where HIV was increasingly manageable, where treatment existed, when infected people live long and productive lives.

That success, while extraordinary, has created an unintended consequence. The terror faded. And when fear fades without equally powerful prevention education replacing it, complacency grows. This is the danger now confronting Botswana.

Data from local youth advocacy groups like Renale Seabe (RESENO) highlights that the ‘First 90’ (the percentage of people who know their HIV status) is lagging severely behind in the younger generation. A significant portion of young people aged 15-24 have reported not receiving an HIV test in the previous 12 months, indicating a breakdown in proactive testing outreach.

Public health experts note that communication models used in educational efforts have historically relied heavily on Western experiences. They often fail to incorporate local cultural traditions based on respect, cooperation, and consultation.

Because Botswana achieved massive success with viral load suppression and free Antiretroviral Therapy (ART) programs, public messaging shifted heavily toward treatment adherence rather than active prevention. This has normalized the virus, inadvertently reducing the perceived urgency of prevention among younger demographics who did not witness the peak of the epidemic.

Current messaging is failing to sufficiently address the modern intersections of substance use and risk. The Ministry of Health explicitly warned that alcohol and substance abuse have become major unaddressed drivers of new infections among adolescent girls and young women.

Nationwide district-level consultations for the fourth National Strategic Framework (NSF4) revealed that women and youth are avoiding sexual health services due to fear of intimidation, judgment, and discrimination by healthcare providers. This highlights a severe breakdown in trust that standard messaging has failed to repair.

Many campaigns inform without deeply touching people. And HIV cannot be fought with information alone. It must be fought emotionally. That may ultimately be the strange power of this moment. Mogae’s passing has reminded Botswana that HIV/AIDS is not merely a medical issue. It is a human story. A story of mothers burying children, grandparents raising orphans, of communities surviving grief, of courage. And of a nation that once stood dangerously close to collapse before deciding to fight back together. Perhaps that is why the country is reacting so emotionally. Beneath the mourning for Mogae is also the rediscovery of collective memory. People were not simply remembering a former president. They were remembering survival itself. There is something profoundly symbolic about the fact that HIC/AIDS returned to national conversation during the week of Mogae’s death. Almost as if the man who once rallied Botswana against extinction was delivering one final warning before departing. Do not become complacent. Do not forget what this disease once did. The warning could not have come at a more critical time. Globally, donor fatigue is growing. Resources are tightening. Prevention campaigns are weakening in many countries. Botswana faces mounting challenges sustaining momentum as new social pressures emerge among younger populations. The danger is no longer dramatic collapse, it is slow erosion of awareness, prevention behavior and urgency. And epidemics often return quietly before societies realise what is happening. That is why Mogae’s legacy now feels larger than politics. He is remembered not only because he led Botswana during difficult years, but because he gave the country the courage to confront an uncomfortable truth when denial would have been easier.

As funeral speeches fade and national mourning slowly ends. Botswana faces an important choice. It can allow the moment of reflection to pass quietly back into routine.

Or it can treat this emotional awakening as the beginning of a renewed national conversation about HIV prevention, youth outreach and collective responsibility. Because the fight Mogae helped lead is not over. And perhaps the most remarkable thing about his legacy is that even from the grave, Festus Mogae is still forcing Botswana to fight for its future.

A new continental survey by Afrobarometer has found that while Africans still broadly support media freedom, the supply of that freedom is shrinking with Botswana recording the largest decline in perceived media freedom across the continent.

The report, titled ‘Demand for civic space holds strong across Africa as supply of freedoms wanes’, shows a continent divided on whether the media operates freely. It warns of a sustained contraction in civic space including growing state control over both traditional and digital platforms.

Across 38 countries surveyed, a slight majority of respondents (53%) say their media is either ‘somewhat’ or ‘completely free’ to report without government interference. However, a significant minority -43%-believe their media is ‘not very free’ or ‘not at all free.’

The report notes: ‘Across the 38 surveyed countries, Africans are divided on whether their media is free.’

Perceptions of full media freedom remain uneven across the continent. Liberia (47%) and Zambia (45%) record the highest shares of citizens who believe the media is ‘completely free,’ while fewer than one in ten respondents hold that view in countries such as Nigeria (9%), Eswatini (7%), Cameroon (7%), Togo (7%), and Congo-Brazzaville (6%).

More worrying for press freedom advocates is the downward trend over time. The report finds that in 30 countries with comparable data since 2019, perceptions of media freedom have fallen by an average of four percentage points.

It states: ‘Across 30 countries… perceptions of media freedom have declined by 4 percentage points on average.’

Only five countries recorded significant gains, led by Liberia (+58 points), Gabon (+24), and Zambia (+22). In contrast, 20 countries recorded declines in perceived media freedom, signalling what researchers describe as a shrinking civic environment.

Among the most affected are Guinea (-34), Lesotho (-22), Nigeria (-22), and Botswana (-20), placing Botswana among the worst performers on the continent.

The report suggests that Botswana’s 20-point drop represents the largest recorded decline in perceived media freedom in Africa over the study period and raises concerns about growing public scepticism over press independence.

While the report does not attribute causes directly, the broader findings link declining media freedom perceptions to increasing government influence, regulatory pressure and constraints on investigative reporting.

The report also highlights a paradox in Africa’s civic transformation. While internet access has expanded rapidly initially raising expectations of stronger civic engagement governments are increasingly using digital tools to control information flows.

It warns: ‘Governments have increasingly extended restrictions on civic space into the digital sphere, with Internet shutdowns emerging as the go-to tool for limiting civic mobilisation.’

These shutdowns, the report adds, are especially common during elections, when authorities seek to limit dissent and manage public narratives.

Despite these challenges, the survey finds strong public endorsement of media freedom and its watchdog role in society. However, the gap between public expectations and lived reality continues to widen. Respondents in Botswana were asked how free the media is to report without government interference. Results show: completely free: 14%, somewhat free: 37%, not very free: 27% and not at all free: 14%

Meanwhile, section 12 of the Constitution of Botswana guarantees freedom of expression and recognises the media’s vital watchdog role in society. These freedoms are not privileges granted at the discretion of political leaders, but fundamental democratic rights that the state has a constitutional obligation to uphold and protect.

The 2024 general elections raised expectations of a reset in government-media relations, but over a year and a half later, that optimism is slowly fading away. One may wonder whether it was too early to celebrate the establishment of the Media Review Task Team in 2025, which was mandated to examine the legal framework, media sustainability and structural constraints affecting the industry. Its formation had signalled what many believed was a genuine commitment to reform and had inspired renewed optimism within the media fraternity.

To date, however, the long-awaited 2025 review report remains unpublished, creating further uncertainty within the sector.

In recent months, journalists have been subjected to sustained public attacks, including accusations of misinformation, unethical conduct and poor professionalism. Some of these attacks, originating from or amplified by individuals occupying senior public office, have legitimised online harassment and normalised hostility towards the media.

Continuous public statements dismissing ‘90% of media reports as fake’ risk fuelling hostility and self-censorship. Botswana’s global press freedom ranking has also dropped significantly, from 42nd in 2015 to 81st in 2025, a development that remains a major concern not only for advocacy bodies but for the media industry at large.

The Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) Botswana Chapter in the recent months noted with grave concern that these developments risk reversing hard-won gains made under the new government. The organisation stated that ‘government’s early commitments to openness and reform now appear to be undermined by actions and rhetoric that are increasingly hostile to independent journalism.’

MISA Botswana further called on government to immediately reaffirm its commitment to press freedom and editorial independence; protect journalists, particularly those working within state media, from political interference and intimidation; ensure transparency regarding any personnel decisions linked to editorial content; and accelerate meaningful legal and policy reforms to safeguard media freedom and sustainability.

Earlier this month, as the world commemorated World Press Freedom Day on May 3, Botswana did not hold any commemoration events, something MISA Botswana also criticised. The advocacy body expressed concern over government’s failure to support media-led commemorations, noting that such support had been customary in previous years but did not materialise this year. MISA Botswana expressed that World Press Freedom Day 2026 was meant to be more symbolic, as it would have prompted decisive action beginning with the immediate release of the Media Law Review Task Team report and renewed commitment to safeguarding editorial independence.

MISA Botswana further noted the growing polarisation within the media fraternity, particularly the apparent attempts to accord preferential treatment to one media structure over another. ‘This undermines the principle that both MISA Botswana and the Botswana Editors Forum are critical pillars meant to serve the collective interests of the media sector, not political expediency,’ reads the MISA Botswana statement.

Air Botswana has operated for nearly six years without a stable governing structure, according to the airline’s general manager Dr. Bao Mosinyi. He says the prolonged instability has weakened oversight and disrupted operations at the national carrier.

Appearing before Parliament’s Committee on Statutory Bodies and State-Owned Enterprises this week, Mosinyi said the airline had not maintained a quorate board for any sustained period during the past six years. In the latest setback, three board members resigned within the past two months, leaving the board unable to form quorum.

Mosinyi told the committee that governance challenges extend throughout the airline’s leadership structure. All executive committee positions at Air Botswana are currently occupied in an acting capacity, with the general manager remaining the only substantive executive appointment.

The disclosure offered a picture of an airline operating without a fully functional board or permanent executive leadership at a time when it continues to struggle with operational and financial pressures.

The airline’s management instability has coincided with mounting operational strain, particularly within its pilot corps. According to Mosinyi, nine pilots recently resigned from Air Botswana, leaving a sharply reduced workforce to sustain the airline’s domestic and regional operations.

Although Air Botswana has six aircraft in its fleet, only three or four are currently operational, he said. As a result, approximately 10 pilots are currently sustaining the airline’s active flight schedule.

At the same time, around 20 pilots remain on the payroll while not actively flying.

Mosinyi also outlined the scale of the airline’s financial challenges during his appearance before the parliamentary committee. He said government had injected more than half a billion pula into the airline between December 2021 and December 2025 through financial support measures and loans.

The committee also heard details surrounding a P230 million government loan advanced in 2018 for the acquisition of two aircraft. Proceedings indicated that the funds were ultimately not used for the intended aircraft purchase.

Mosinyi, who became substantive general manager earlier this year, assumed leadership at a time when the airline was already under pressure to improve operational stability and restore sustainability.

The parliamentary appearance cast a spotlight on the extent to which governance instability has affected strategic decision-making at the airline. Mosinyi told legislators that the absence of a stable and quorate board over several years had delayed key decisions and weakened oversight structures.

Air Botswana has in recent years reduced several regional routes as part of restructuring efforts aimed at containing losses and streamlining operations. The airline continues to operate domestic connections linking Gaborone, Maun, Kasane and Francistown, alongside selected regional routes. The latest revelations come amid growing scrutiny of state-owned enterprises and statutory bodies over governance, financial management and operational performance. The immediate challenge for Air Botswana remains maintaining operations with a reduced pool of active pilots, half of its aircraft currently grounded and an executive structure dominated by acting appointments.

Over the past few weeks, I have raised formal concerns regarding the upcoming Makgadikgadi Challenge, which is currently being marketed as taking place within the Nata Bird Sanctuary.

My concern is specific.

During the 2025 instalment of this event, sections of the Nata Bird Sanctuary were mechanically graded to create a horse racing track and concert venue within or near recognised flamingo feeding and breeding areas. This type of land alteration, together with large-scale activity and amplified sound, raises serious questions about the suitability of such events within a protected avian habitat.

Following the event, further concerns were observed regarding post-event stewardship. Litter, including broken bottles and other waste, remained uncleared in the area for an extended period exceeding 6 months. There were also concerns about a noticeable scarcity of flamingos in sections where they are commonly seen after the event period. These outcomes reinforce the need for careful environmental assessment and responsible management of any future activities in sensitive habitats.

In response, I have written to:

The outgoing Nata Conservation Trust Board (custodians of the Sanctuary) (term ended April 2026), letter dated 27th February 2026.

The new Nata Conservation Trust Board (elected 17th April 2026), letter dated 27th April 2026.

The Permanent Secretary at The Ministry of Environment, Natural Resource Conservation and Tourism, letter dated 27th February.

The Member of Parliament – Nata Gweta, letter dated 8th January 2026.

The Technical Advisory Board (TAC) to the Nata Conservation Trust, letter dated 27th April 2026

Other local stakeholders.

To date, I have not received substantive responses, while marketing of the 2026 event continues to reference the Sanctuary as its venue.

This is not about opposing development or events in the Makgadikgadi region. In fact, I strongly support responsible investment, tourism growth, cultural events, and new economic opportunities that bring value to local communities. The Makgadikgadi has vast potential for well-planned festivals, sporting events, adventure tourism, and hospitality development in suitable areas and at suitable times. My concern is simply that such growth must be located and timed in ways that do not compromise sensitive feeding and breeding habitats or undermine long-term conservation efforts.

It is about ensuring that:

Sensitive ecosystems are protected

Decisions are transparent and accountable

The community is properly consulted on the use of shared conservation land

Development is sustainable and benefits future generations

The Makgadikgadi Pans, and particularly the Nata Bird Sanctuary, are one of the most important feeding and breeding landscapes for flamingos in Southern Africa. Seasonal gatherings of flamingos, pelicans, and many other migratory and resident bird species create one of Botswana’s most unique wildlife spectacles, drawing birdwatchers, photographers, safari travellers, and nature enthusiasts from around the world.

This natural attraction has long supported tourism businesses in the area. Lodges, together with guides, camp operators, transport providers, restaurants, craft sellers, and many other local enterprises, have sustained jobs and livelihoods because visitors travel specifically to experience the birdlife and landscape of the Sanctuary.

Their protection is directly linked to the long-term sustainability of tourism and local livelihoods.

We have already seen what strong conservation can do for communities in Botswana.

The Chobe River helped build Kasane into a thriving tourism centre with jobs in lodges, guiding, transport, retail, and hospitality.

The Okavango Delta has done the same for Maun, creating one of the country’s most important economic hubs through conservation-led tourism.

The Nata Bird Sanctuary – with its flamingos, birdlife, and unique landscapes – holds similar long-term potential for Nata and the surrounding communities. But that potential depends on how well the environment is protected and managed today.

At a time when the Nata community is actively engaging with the future governance of its Trust, this is a moment to place stewardship, accountability, and vision at the centre of decision-making.

I encourage residents, stakeholders, and all interested parties to engage constructively on this matter. For the residents of Nata and surrounding villages, a kgotla platform may be an appropriate space for open discussion and shared understanding.

This is about protecting a critical ecosystem – and ensuring that decisions made today do not compromise the opportunities of tomorrow.

This past Friday, Botswana’s biggest football brand, Township Rollers, in partnership with Sogo, launched its own branded ice cream, Blue Magic. The launch marks Rollers’ new venture into the FMCG sector, a bold move towards the team’s sustainability. It is among many initiatives the team leadership have embarked on since taking over the reigns at the embattled Gaborone outfit.

Forsaken by financiers and with some of the touted sponsors who were unveiled at the beginning of the season nowhere to be found, Rollers found itself in dire straits. Bills mounted. Players’ salaries went unpaid. At one point, players even boycotted a scheduled match as they pressured the club to pay outstanding salaries.

In the midst of this, a mutiny ensued. The then Rollers executive committee jumped ship and an interim committee was ushered in. Just about two months after taking over, the interim committee suffered a setback as the then chairperson Nelson Onkabetse unexpectedly quit his role.

The leadership struggles coincided with struggles on the field of play. In their moment of despair, the interim committee co-opted Thapelo ‘Fish’ Pabalinga and Kaizer Sekaba as chairman and Public Relations Officer (PRO) respectively.

Amidst these difficult times, with no financiers in sight, Pabalinga and his committee knew they would have to adapt. As is sometimes said, they understood they have no luxury of waiting for the storms to pass. New strategies and initiatives were needed.

Among these is the adopt-a-player, an initiative which called on interested organisations, individuals and supporters to adopt a player and support their welfare. So far, through this initiative, some team branches have adopted players, thus reducing some of Rollers’ financial burden.

However, with self-sustainability as a priority, Rollers has moved to tap on to its massive following as a long-term solution. As the most followed sports team in the country, Rollers has robust presence in the social media space. The team’s Facebook page alone boasts of 472 000 followers, a testimony to its appeal.

To tap into this, Rollers recently called on companies and institutions to advertise on its Facebook page. The response has been as expected. ‘We are pleased to announce that corporates such as Stanbic Bank, Spar, Options and RedBull have already bought into the campaign – a very encouraging sign that Township Rollers is a marketable brand,’ Pabalinga told the media on Friday.

The invitation for other companies seeking ‘real, measurable visibility and increased sales’ is still open. It’s a win-win situation for all involved. Strong reach and engagement for advertisers and financial gain for Rollers.

Now is the team’s entry into the FMCG sector, another bold move to turn the team’s brand into actual financial gain. Here, Rollers is again tapping into its strong supporter base as well as the goodwill of ice cream lovers to drive its financial self-sustainability drive.

‘Blue Magic will be sold at all our games, and at retail outlets countrywide, some of which are already our partners explained previously … and rolled out to additional retail partners to ensure easy access for fans and the public. Township Rollers as a team will earn 35 percent of the gross sales of the ice cream,’ Pabalinga says.

And this may just be the start. The Rollers chairman hints that the team may venture more into the FMCG sector with new products. ‘Our vision is that one day when you go shopping, there will be a whole isle packed with Rollers’ products manufactured in partnership with various brands. Why can’t we for instance have a Rollers loaf of bread? When our supporters go to buy bread daily, they will do it fully aware that some of the proceeds will go towards the team. This is the vision that we would like to see.’

Interestingly, the launch of the Blue Magic ice cream coincides with the upturn of the team’s fortunes in the field of play. Under the guidance of Tor Thodesen, Rollers are currently on an eight-game winning streak. Though the surge in good results have come late in the campaign when the title was already out of contention, it sets a solid base for the team to build on in the coming season.

While Thodesen’s contract is short term and comes to an end at the end of the season, Pabalinga believes there is a huge possibility for renewal. Even better, the team is engaged in negotiations with potential sponsors and financiers. There is a huge belief within the team that something good will happen in the not-so-distant future in regards to this.

However, for the team’s followers, success means silverware. Flickers of promise are there that the team is experiencing a revival. But whether Rollers has now truly found its Blue Magic to success, only time will tell!

A new United Nations assessment has warned that Botswana’s celebrated development model is approaching a critical inflection point and growing governance pressures following the country’s historic 2024 political transition.

The United Nations country analysis cites growing structural weaknesses in governance, human rights compliance and national data systems at a time of rising economic and political pressure. The assessment describes Botswana’s development path as shifting ‘from exceptional performance to structural inflection.’ It warns that longstanding strengths in governance and macroeconomic management are increasingly constrained by institutional fragmentation, capacity gaps and emerging socio-economic pressures.

The report notes how that at the centre of the concerns is Botswana’s evolving human rights architecture. While the Office of the Ombudsman was granted a human rights mandate in 2023 and now serves as the country’s National Human Rights Institution (NHRI), the United Nations notes that it is still not aligned with the Paris Principles governing independence and effectiveness of such bodies.

This gap, the UN says, raises questions about institutional autonomy and credibility at a time when rights-based governance is becoming increasingly important. Botswana has ratified six of the nine core United Nations human rights treaties, but has yet to accede to key instruments including the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), the migrant workers convention, and the convention on enforced disappearances.

UN human rights mechanisms have repeatedly flagged concerns over the death penalty, corporal punishment, treatment of migrants and asylum seekers, and detention conditions. During its 2023 Universal Periodic Review, Botswana received additional recommendations to accede to the ICESCR, some of which it accepted, signalling partial alignment but continued policy hesitation.

The United Nations also raises concerns about weakening statistical systems, warning that disruptions in labour force reporting by Statistics Botswana have created critical gaps in economic analysis.

Operational and financial constraints have affected the publication of Quarterly Multi-Topic Survey (QMTS) labour data, limiting policymakers’ ability to accurately assess employment trends. The report warns that without timely and disaggregated data, including on poverty, labour markets, and national accounts, Botswana risks weakening its evidence-based policymaking capacity at a time when fiscal and social pressures are increasing.

The analysis comes in the wake of Botswana’s historic 2024 general elections, which ended decades of uninterrupted rule by the Botswana Democratic Party and ushered in a new governing coalition.

While the transition is described as a landmark democratic moment, the UN warns it has also increased pressure on institutions already facing capacity constraints. Combined with weaker economic growth, fiscal tightening, and rising unemployment, the shift has heightened demands on the state to maintain service delivery while pursuing structural reforms.

Using a systems-thinking approach, the United Nations warns that Botswana’s challenges are interconnected rather than sector-specific. Weak job creation feeds into inequality; inequality undermines social cohesion; fiscal constraints limit investment in education, health, and infrastructure; and institutional fragmentation reduces policy coherence across government.

The United Nations argues that Botswana’s long-term development success will depend on strengthening institutional independence, improving human rights compliance, and rebuilding statistical and planning systems.

Without these reforms, the report warns, the country risks slowing its transition toward a more inclusive, resilient, and diversified economy.

Since its inception, Batanani walk has played an important role in supporting communities and driving social change in Botswana. What started as a fundraising initiative has grown into a national platform that addresses some of the country’s biggest social challenges.

This year, the walk is placing child safety and access to justice at the centre of its campaign, highlighting the urgent need to protect children from abuse and strengthen support systems for victims. Mascom Wireless says the 2026 theme, ‘Step Up for Child Safety’, reflects the company’s commitment to helping create safer communities and ensuring children have access to protection and justice.

The campaign was introduced in Gaborone on April 27 and is expected to raise awareness about violence against children, encourage reporting of abuse cases and support institutions that work directly with vulnerable children.

Mascom said the initiative forms part of its wider social responsibility programme and continued partnership with communities. The company noted that child protection remains one of the most pressing social issues facing Botswana today.

According to the Violence Against Children Survey (VACS), many children continue to experience different forms of abuse, with girls being particularly vulnerable. The survey found that among children aged between 13 and 17 who have ever had sexual intercourse, one in four girls experienced unwanted sex during their first sexual encounter, while one in twenty boys reported the same experience.

The report also showed that most abuse cases are never reported to authorities, with only 10 percent of victims coming forward. Fear, intimidation, stigma and lack of trust in reporting systems remain some of the major barriers preventing children and families from seeking help.

Mascom said this year’s campaign seeks to challenge that silence by encouraging communities to speak out and support victims of abuse.

The company added that improving child-friendly services and strengthening systems within law enforcement are important steps in ensuring children feel safe when reporting cases.

Mascom Chief Corporate Affairs Officer Boipelo Matenge said businesses have a responsibility to contribute towards solving social challenges affecting communities.

She said companies should use their influence and resources to support causes that improve lives and create safer environments for vulnerable groups.

Matenge said the Batanani Walk continues to show the power of partnerships between the private sector, government institutions and communities in addressing national issues. ‘As a business rooted in connecting people, we recognise that connectivity also means being one with the communities we serve,’ she said.

She added that supporting child protection initiatives requires deliberate action and long-term commitment from all sectors of society.

Mascom said proceeds from the walk will help refurbish and furnish selected centres across the country to improve the conditions under which children access justice and protection services. The company also highlighted the continued involvement of Mascom Chief Executive Officer Dzene Makhwade-Seboni in child welfare initiatives through her role as chairperson of the UNICEF Children’s Council.

Mascom has called on members of the public, businesses, government and civil society organisations to take part in the walk on Saturday, August 8, 2026. The company believes collective action remains important in ensuring every child in Botswana grows up in a safe environment and has access to justice when abuse occurs.

Botswana’s worsening gender-based violence (GBV) crisis has drawn sharp criticism from international diplomats with some accusing President Duma Boko and his government of relying on rhetoric, prayer meetings and public relations while women continue to die in alarming numbers.

This emerges from a newly released United Kingdom fact-finding mission report titled ‘Country Policy and Information Note; Botswana: Women fearing gender-based violence.’ The report which was released by UK’s Home Office paints a picture of frustration among diplomats, civil society organisations and international partners over Botswana Government’s handling of GBV.

The report reveals growing concern that despite the new administration presenting itself as human-rights centred, there has been little meaningful action to protect women since taking power in October 2024.

‘But since the election [of the government in October 2024] there have been executive/high level statements that have been perceived by CSOs as discouraging, a bad signal,’ a diplomat at the French embassy in Gaborone was quoted as saying in the report.

‘ The statements are usually made in conferences but then are plastered in the media. OFFICIAL 1 [noted the president] made a declaration about GBV that was perceived as putting the blame on women,’ says the report.

‘There is strong rhetoric but not much political will and there haven’t been any substantive changes to legislation,’ one international diplomatic source told the UK mission.

The diplomat said Botswana continued to grapple with deeply entrenched patriarchy despite the new government’s promises.

‘The government portray themselves as a human-rights based government, saying they want to put human rights at the centre of everything that they do. But Botswana is still a patriarchal society which is quite conservative,’ the source is quoted s saying in the report.

Another international diplomatic source dismissed government efforts as inadequate and symbolic.

‘Last week the country had a week of prayer organised by the government against GBV,’ the diplomat said.

The diplomat was quoted as saying; ‘I am Christian, I believe in prayer, but more is needed than just holding hands and praying. I don’t see any tangible change. I do not see that the government intends to change things.’

The report comes amid growing public anger over brutal killings of women and mounting calls from activists for GBV to be declared a national emergency.

A United Nations official interviewed during the fact-finding mission said frustration with government silence had reached dangerous levels following a wave of rape and murder cases during the 2024 festive season.

‘People had been demanding to see the president [speak about] the situation of GBV in this country. Unfortunately for the political leadership, in the general sense, the public is getting a bit frustrated. The president also made some unfortunate remarks [about GBV] recently; There was a public outcry to say that this is not on and that we need to declare this thing a national emergency,’ the UN official was quoted s saying.

The diplomat reportedly added that ‘Unfortunately, there was a lot of silence from the government side, and people were frustrated that even the minister of gender was quiet.’

The official further criticised remarks made by Boko during the height of the outrage, saying they triggered backlash from civil society groups.

According to the report, Boko reportedly said he did not understand why people were talking specifically about GBV because Botswana was generally a violent society involving ‘men, women and children’.

‘That also attracted a lot of public outcry,’ the UN official noted.

Civil society organisations have since intensified pressure on government to formally declare GBV a national emergency to unlock resources and fast-track interventions.

‘There was a meeting of CSOs about two weeks ago where they were strategizing about approaching the presidency,’ the official said.

‘The reasoning is that when we declare a national emergency, then you’ll allocate the necessary resources.’

The report also reiterated concerns raised by officials at Embassy of France in Botswana who described Botswana’s GBV crisis as severe and worsening.

French embassy officials cited the shocking murder of a woman inside the University of Botswana as evidence of the growing danger women face.

‘There was a woman killed inside of the University of Botswana which was quite shocking- that a person would go and kill inside a university, a sacred place,’ one French official said.

The diplomat noted reports that the victim had allegedly been subjected to threats before her death.

‘Usually for serious incidents a minister would go to the scene of the incident but we have not seen this, which speaks to how seriously this is being taken,’ the official said.

Despite increased media coverage under the new government, diplomats warned that there was still little concrete progress beyond speeches and symbolic gestures.

‘The government is really big on human rights,’ a French official said adding that ‘….Would expect women’s rights to be part of human rights.’

But the official added: ‘Nothing really happened afterwards-there was a week of prayers organised rather than something concrete to address the issue.’

The report quoted the official as saying the woman murdered at the University of Botswana was killed during the government’s anti-GBV week of prayer.

Boko’s press secretary Emang Bokhutlo-Mutapati did not respond to request for comment.