Category: Daily Monitor

President Museveni rang the bells of anti-corruption yesterday as he officially launched a 9-day leadership retreat for the newly sworn-in Cabinet Ministers.

Mr Museveni reminded the Ministers about their cardinal roles, which he said will be best done if they turn corruption into their main enemy.

‘Leadership is not all about occupying offices, but discovering your responsibility to the people. Ugandans expect tangible results rather than empty promises,’ he said.

The president’s remarks were hinged on the fight against corruption, which he said undermines the efforts of Uganda’s development agenda.

Uganda, according to the Ombudsman’s June 2024 annual report, loses Shs10 trillion to corruption, which is almost half of its domestic revenue collection.

The report, which covered the periods of July to December 2023 and January to June 2024, calculates that Shs9.144 trillion has slipped through the cracks in the public purse.

Leakages, the report said, are most noticeable via the loss of environmental resources (Shs2.28 trillion), loss of education hours to students (Shs1.46 trillion), and corruption in contract royalties (Shs859.2b). Just as disturbing is the cost of bribing judges (Shs762.90b) and the cost of corruption in procurement (Shs614.41b).

President Museveni reminded ministers that the historical role of his ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) government and post-Independence African leadership is socio-economic transformation.

‘We cannot continue to have people trapped in subsistence production. Our mission is to move every household into the money economy through commercial agriculture, manufacturing, services and ICT. Leaders must guide the people towards wealth creation, value addition, and prosperity. We must build a middle class and a skilled working class. That is the benchmark by which leadership should be judged,’ he said.

Mr Museveni on May 26 named an 83-member Cabinet which he intends to drive the country with in this particular term.

NRM is set to implement a new manifesto under the theme: Protecting the gains as we make a qualitative leap into a high middle-income status.

The manifesto focuses on seven key pillars, including infrastructure development (expansion of roads, electricity, railways, air transport, schools, and health centres), wealth creation (Parish Development Model, Operation Wealth Creation, Emyooga, among others), creation of jobs (factories, commercial agriculture, service sector),

Others are: creation of markets (internal, regional, continental, and international), service delivery (provision of health, education, and security services), and unity and political stability (fighting against internal conflicts, divisive politics, among others).

The manifesto is in line with the ambitious Tenfold Growth Strategy, a transformative economic plan which was launched in 2023, to expand the country’s GDP from roughly $50 billion (Shs187.1 trillion) to $500 billion (Shs1,871.6 trillion) by 2040.

To realise this development, the government zeroed its focus on four key sectors code-named ATMS, including Agro-industrialisation, Tourism, Mineral development, and Science/Technology innovation.

In order to achieve the Tenfold Growth Strategy, the government has been developing its budgets and other development plans in line with these key priority areas.

For instance, the fourth National Development Plan (NDPIV), launched last year and running between FY2025/26 and FY2029/30, aims at accelerating the socio-economic transformation of the country.

This particular development plan was designed to deliver tenfold economic growth, which is expected to be achieved by doubling the size of the economy every five years.

Key objectives of the plan are to: enhance value addition in key growth opportunities; strengthen the private sector to create jobs; consolidate and increase the stock and quality of productive infrastructure; enhance the productivity and social well-being of the population; and strengthen the role of the state in guiding and facilitating development.

Uganda in the FY2025/26 attained the lower-middle-income status after its Gross National Income (GNI) per capita surpassed the $1,136 (Shs4.2 million) threshold, and this, according to the World Bank, was achieved through strong growth in industry, manufacturing, and agriculture, reaching a per capita GDP of roughly $1,306 (Shs4.9 million).

Speaking at the same retreat, the Vice President, Maj (rtd) Jessica Alupo, reiterated the Government’s stance on zero tolerance for corruption, inefficiency, and delays in implementation, noting that Cabinet is committed to ensuring the timely delivery of programmes and Presidential directives.

She highlighted the Government’s commitment to the National Development Plan and the 2026-2031 development framework, aimed at accelerating Uganda’s transition to upper middle-income status and achieving sustainable economic growth.

She further highlighted priority areas including agro-industrialisation, tourism development, science, technology and innovation, as well as value addition, export promotion and import substitution.

Uganda plans to phase out allowances for medical interns by July 2026, a move that has sparked concern among young doctors and hospital staff who say the change could deepen financial strain during one of the most demanding stages of medical training.

At Mulago National Referral Hospital, the morning rush begins long before sunrise. For medical intern Simon Kilama, it starts not with patients or prescriptions, but a quiet calculation: transport, rent, and what will be left for food after the day ends.

He adjusts his white coat, checks his notes, and steps into a system that depends heavily on people like him: young doctors in transition, carrying responsibilities that often feel fully formed, even when their pay does not match the weight of the work.

For Kilama and many interns across Uganda’s public hospitals, the final year of medical training is not just about learning. It is about surviving.

Now, that survival is being questioned.

A government proposal to phase out allowances for medical interns by July 2026 has placed the most vulnerable group in Uganda’s medical pipeline at the centre of a national debate, one that blends health policy, public spending, and the lived reality of becoming a doctor.

Living on the edge

Intern doctors occupy a difficult space in Uganda’s health system. They are graduates of medical school, still under supervision, yet already embedded in the daily work of hospitals. They diagnose, assist in surgeries, manage wards, and respond to emergencies, often in understaffed facilities and under sustained pressure.

Yet for many, the financial reality remains fragile.

‘People think because you are a doctor you are fine,’ Kilama says during a brief break between rounds. ‘But internship is when you are actually struggling the most.’

Most interns rely on a monthly government allowance of about Shs1m to cover rent near hospitals, transport, meals during long shifts, and basic living costs. Without it, some say the transition from university to full professional practice becomes even more difficult.

It is this support that now hangs in the balance.

A policy shift redefining training

The proposed changes fall under broader reforms in health professional training guided by the National Education and Training for Health Policy introduced this year.

Under the new framework, the internship year is being repositioned as part of academic training rather than a paid government placement. Officials argue that interns remain trainees and that the system must reflect that distinction more clearly.

The Ministry of Health says the reforms are intended to streamline training, strengthen supervision, and create a more structured transition from classroom learning to clinical practice.

But on the ground, the shift is felt less as restructuring and more as withdrawal.

‘We are already working in hospitals that are overwhelmed,’ says another intern at a regional referral hospital, who asked not to be named. ‘If you remove the allowance, you are asking people to serve patients while worrying about how to eat.’

Question of sustainability

Government officials say the decision is driven by fiscal pressure and the rising number of medical graduates entering internship programmes each year.

Minister of Health Dr Chris Baryomunsi has argued that while interns play a critical role in the health system, the cost of sustaining allowances has become increasingly difficult to manage.

He says the reforms are part of a broader effort to align health training with available resources as government balances competing national priorities, including infrastructure, security, and service delivery.

Dr Jane Ruth Aceng has similarly stated that the internship year will now be fully integrated into university training structures, reframing it as an academic phase rather than paid employment.

Anxiety in hospital corridors

In hospitals, policy language translates into uncertainty. Interns describe growing anxiety about what comes next; whether they will afford accommodation near facilities, take on debt, or reconsider their career paths altogether.

The clinical workload remains unchanged. Patients continue to arrive in large numbers. Emergencies come without warning. Supervising doctors still expect interns to perform.

What shifts is what happens after the shift ends, when exhaustion meets financial reality.

A debate years in the making

The question of intern allowances is not new.

In 2024, President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni raised concerns about the sustainability of the system while addressing medical interns at the Kyankwanzi National Leadership Institute. He noted that the growing number of interns, now in the thousands, was placing increasing pressure on public finances.

While acknowledging the importance of supporting young medical professionals, he pointed to competing national priorities, suggesting that government would struggle to maintain the arrangement indefinitely.

Those remarks are now widely viewed as an early signal of the direction policy would take.

What is at stake

Critics argue that removing allowances risks weakening morale in an already strained health system. They say interns are not only trainees but essential contributors to public healthcare delivery, often filling critical staffing gaps. Some have also questioned government spending priorities, pointing to administrative allocations and arguing that a rebalancing of resources could better support frontline health workers.

Government, however, maintains that comparisons between budget lines do not capture the complexity of national financing decisions, which must account for long-term sustainability.

Back to Kilama

As the afternoon wears on, Kilama returns to the ward. There is little time to dwell on policy debates. A patient needs attention. A procedure must be supervised. Another file is opened.

The rhythm of the hospital continues, regardless of uncertainty beyond its walls.

For his colleague, Lydia Birungi, the concern is more immediate. She travels about four kilometres daily to reach her training hospital and says transport costs already stretch her budget. The allowance, she says, has been essential in keeping her training manageable.

Hospital administrator Dr Joseph Obicci, based in Pader District, says interns remain central to service delivery in public facilities. He describes them as a critical layer of support in overcrowded hospitals, often stepping in during emergencies and easing pressure on senior staff.

For Uganda’s future doctors, the question is no longer theoretical. It is immediate and practical: how to train for a profession built on care while navigating the cost of sustaining oneself within it.

As the system moves toward reform, what remains unresolved is not whether interns learn medicine, but at what personal price they will continue to do so, and what that means for the future of the country’s health workforce.

Key facts

Who becomes an intern: Final-year medical graduates after completing university training

Purpose: One-year supervised clinical practice before full registration as a medical doctor

Placement sites: Public referral hospitals and accredited health facilities across Uganda

Core departments rotated: Medicine, surgery, paediatrics, and obstetrics and gynaecology

Supervision: Conducted under senior medical officers and consultants

Current monthly allowance: Approximately Shs1 million (under existing system)

Status under reform: Allowances set to be phased out under new policy framework by July 2026

Policy goal: Integration of internship into academic training and restructuring of health professional education

Key concern raised: Financial sustainability versus welfare of young medical professionals

Debate status: Ongoing between government, medical associations, and trainees.

Originally, Queen Elizabeth National Park was named Kazinga National Park until 1954 to commemorate a visit by Queen Elizabeth II. I agree with the reasoning at the time because such a gesture was appropriate because Uganda was still under British rule, and associating the park with the British monarchy at that time surely gave Uganda a mark of prestige.

However, in the 1970s, President Amin tried to rename it Mountain Rwenzori National Park, but of course, the royal name was restored later. Therefore, for over 70 years now, our very own spectacle of wilderness has carried the name Queen Elizabeth National Park.

I think we need to ask ourselves whether the name ‘Queen Elizabeth National Park’ is the brand that represents our culture, heritage, and the park. Honestly, it does not because using the name ‘Queen Elizabeth’ as your brand name tells more about British history than the Park’s verdant wilderness. Even the lakes surrounding the park seem foreign to us. What heritage connection do King George V, (where Lake George derives its name), and King Edward VII, (where Lake Edward derives it name), have with those lakes?

If not for the UPDF, Uganda Wildlife Authority marine officers, and local fishermen, I don’t think there is any other Ugandan who has been on either Lake Edward or George. Most people have only been on Kazinga Channel, perhaps because it kept the name. Some can’t even differentiate between Edward and George unless you show them a map first. That’s how bad we have lost connection to our heritage.

Similarly, the name ‘Queen Elizabeth’ doesn’t resonate with the wildlife or the culture of the local communities like Bakonzo and Banyaruguru or the ecological significance of the area, at least. It is just a commemorative label preserving a legacy of a queen who has long passed on and whose surviving family has no interest whatsoever in promoting or preserving the park. No senior British Royal has made a publicized visit to the park. No royal foundation has ever been established as a conservation partnership anchored on the park’s name. We are merely honoring a British queen in perpetuity without receiving anything in return.

By comparison, most successful safari destinations in Africa have kept their native names. Look at Serengeti in Tanzania, Maasai Mara in Kenya, the Okavango Delta in Botswana, and our own Bwindi Impenetrable Forest. They have become globally recognised precisely because they retained names rooted in local heritage and culture.

In a competitive tourism market where Uganda is already undervalued relative to its ecological wealth, I am afraid, carrying a name that doesn’t resonate with its rich tapestry is measurably putting us at a disadvantage.

We need to tell our own story, one rooted in our own history and identity.

Names matter because they shape how we understand places. They tell a story. It’s high time we changed from colonial names because we can’t sell or promote something we are not emotionally connected to.

People are promoting the Rwenzori Marathon because there is a heritage connection between the Rwenzori Mountains and the people.

It is easy to sell because we speak the name Rwenzori with pride since culturally embedded names generate stronger emotional resonance and invite national pride.

On Monday morning, the arrest of former Kampala Lord Mayor and lawyer Erias Lukwago has raised concerns among the defence team of jailed opposition politician Dr Kizza Besigye, who said the development threatens the right to a fair trial and could have far-reaching implications for the ongoing treason case.

Mr Eron Kiiza, one of Dr Besigye’s lawyers, described Mr Lukwago’s arrest as part of a pattern targeting members of the defence team and warned that it was creating fear among lawyers handling the high-profile case. Mr Lukwago is also the acting president of the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF) party, one of the new opposition parties in the country.

“It has a chilling effect on all of us, and we are now watching our backs since all of us are rumoured to be arrested. The first one to be arrested was Geoffrey Iduli, who was later released by the police, then myself, Eron Kiiza, and now Mr Lukwago. Those are three lawyers arrested in one case,” Mr Kiiza said in a telephone interview.

He added that the repeated arrests undermine the prospects of a fair hearing as demanded by the 1995 Constitution.

“The arrests and abductions greatly undermine a fair trial,” he warned.

Mr Kiiza also criticised the Judiciary for remaining silent despite the fact that Mr Lukwago was reportedly carrying out court-ordered duties when he was arrested.

“The Judiciary has not come out to condemn this act of arresting lawyers who are enforcing court directives. It’s about time the Judiciary defended its space. Counsel Lukwago is an officer of the court who was serving judicial documents when he was arrested,” he said.

Mr Lukwago’s arrest came days after High Court judge Emmanuel Baguma directed Dr Besigye’s lawyers to serve court documents on the Chief of Defence Forces (CDF), Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, in an application in which the opposition politician accuses the military chief of issuing death threats and making prejudicial public statements against him.

Last Thursday, Justice Baguma directed Gen Muhoozi, the Attorney General, and two Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) officers-Col Peter Ahibisibwe and Lt Col Ephraim Byaruhanga-to file their responses to the application by June 18.

“The respondents take note and are given one week to file a reply by June 18,” Justice Baguma ruled.

The judge further directed Dr Besigye’s lawyers to file any rejoinder by June 25 and scheduled the hearing for June 30.

Following Mr Lukwago’s arrest, former Kenyan Justice Minister Martha Karua called upon Uganda’s Judiciary to defend constitutionalism, equality before the law, and the independence of the legal profession.

However, Judiciary spokesperson James Ereemye Mawanda said any explanation regarding the arrest should come from the authorities responsible for carrying it out.

“The best comment should come from those who made the arrest. They could have had their reasons. The authorities responsible for that will take any necessary action,” Mr Mawanda said.

Despite the setback, Mr Kiiza said the defence team would ensure that Gen Muhoozi is served with the court documents.

“The service of the court documents will have to happen by all means. Dr Besigye has many lawyers, and we shall ensure the service happens,” he vowed.

He noted that the law provides alternatives where personal service becomes difficult, including publication through newspapers and other substituted means approved by the court.

“Court can also proceed to hear the case even without the response of a party if it is convinced that the circumstances for service were very difficult,” he added.

Earlier yesterday, social media platforms were flooded with messages attributed to Gen Muhoozi regarding Mr Lukwago’s arrest.

‘I have captured a FOOL and taken him to the basement!. This one will learn Kiswahili. Please serve the papers, and I will arrest both you and whoever serves them,’ a post on the CDF’s X account stated.

The Uganda Law Society (ULS) condemned the arrest, describing it as an attack on the administration of justice and the right to legal representation.

“Detaining defence counsel mid-trial for attempting to serve court documents strikes at the heart of the right to a fair trial under Article 28(3)(d). A trial without counsel is no trial at all. The military has no mandate to arrest, detain or threaten lawyers appearing before civilian courts,” the lawyers’ body said in a statement.

The ULS argued that the arrest violated constitutional protections and international standards governing the role of lawyers.

The lawyers further said the incident was not isolated, citing previous arrests of legal practitioners and describing the trend as a direct assault on the rule of law and constitutional order.

At the centre of the dispute is an application filed by Dr Besigye against Gen Muhoozi, who is also President Museveni’s son. In the application, Dr Besigye accuses the CDF of repeatedly using his X account to threaten him and publicly comment on his guilt before the conclusion of court proceedings.

According to court documents, Dr Besigye argues that the statements violate his constitutional rights and compromise his entitlement to a fair hearing before an independent and impartial court.

“The 1st respondent’s adverse and prejudicial public statements threatening death, violence, torture and execution, and characterising the 1st applicant as a criminal, individually and cumulatively, give rise to violations of, and continuing threats to, human rights and freedoms,” the application states.

Dr Besigye further contends that public declarations of guilt by a senior military officer risk influencing ongoing judicial proceedings.

“Public pronouncements of guilt, and of a predetermined fatal outcome, made by such a figure while assessors are yet to be empanelled and witnesses heard, contaminate the atmosphere of an independent and impartial court and pressure the trial court,” the court documents add.

Among the social media posts cited in the application is one allegedly published on January 16, 2025, stating: “We will hang KB on Heroes’ Day. That’s the best day for him to die.”

Another post allegedly made on February 19, 2026, reportedly stated: “Besigye wanted to kill Mzee, so as far as we are concerned, UPDF, he is a dead man walking.”

Dr Besigye is seeking declarations that the statements violated his constitutional rights and that the treason and misprision of treason charges against him are inconsistent with the principles of a fair trial, human rights, the rule of law, and extradition law.

The application also challenges the circumstances under which Dr Besigye and his co-accused, Obeid Lutale, were allegedly arrested in Nairobi, Kenya, in November 2024 and transferred to Uganda without formal extradition proceedings.

With the hearing of the application scheduled for June 30, legal observers say the arrest of one of Dr Besigye’s lead lawyers has introduced a fresh dimension to an already politically sensitive case, raising questions about legal representation, judicial independence and the integrity of the trial process.

For many years, the word cancer has been associated with fear, hopelessness, and death. In many communities across Uganda and beyond, a cancer diagnosis is often viewed as the end of life rather than the beginning of a medical journey. This perception causes some people to avoid screening, ignore symptoms, or delay seeking care because they believe cancer is always fatal.

The reality is very different.

Cancer does not always mean death. Advances in medical science, earlier diagnosis, improved treatment options, and growing awareness have transformed cancer outcomes. Today, millions of people around the world survive cancer and continue to live productive lives. At the Uganda Cancer Institute (UCI), many patients complete treatment and return to their families, careers, and communities.

A key fact often overlooked is that cancer is not a single disease. There are many different types, each behaving differently and responding to treatment in its own way. Some cancers grow slowly, while others progress rapidly. Some are highly treatable, especially when detected early. Outcomes depend on factors such as the type of cancer, the stage at diagnosis, access to treatment, and the patient’s overall health.

Early diagnosis

One reason cancer remains strongly associated with death is that many patients seek medical attention too late. In Uganda, people may ignore symptoms for months, self-medicate, or first consult traditional healers. By the time they reach a health facility, the disease may already be advanced, making treatment more difficult.

Early detection remains one of the most effective tools in improving survival.

Cervical cancer, one of the most common cancers among Ugandan women, can often be prevented or treated successfully when detected early through regular screening. Breast cancer outcomes also improve significantly with early diagnosis. Many childhood cancers, including leukaemia and lymphomas, can be treated successfully when children receive prompt medical care.

Treatment options have improved considerably over the past few decades. Depending on the type and stage of cancer, patients may receive surgery, chemotherapy, radiotherapy, immunotherapy, hormonal therapy, or targeted therapy. These treatments are becoming increasingly effective and tailored to individual patients.

UCI continues to expand cancer services through improved diagnostics, specialised healthcare workers, better treatment planning, and partnerships that strengthen cancer care. Regional cancer centres are also bringing services closer to communities, reducing barriers to access.

It is also important to understand that survival does not always mean complete cure. In some cases, cancer can be managed for many years, much like other chronic conditions. With appropriate treatment and follow-up care, patients can continue working, caring for their families, and enjoying a good quality of life.

Modern cancer care goes beyond treating the disease itself. Managing pain, ensuring good nutrition, providing psychological support, and involving family members are all essential parts of treatment. Palliative care services help patients remain comfortable and maintain dignity, even when a cure is no longer possible.

Despite these advances, myths and misinformation continue to discourage people from seeking care. Some believe cancer spreads when doctors operate on it, while others think treatment is more dangerous than the disease. Such misconceptions often lead to delays that reduce the chances of successful treatment.

Many cancer survivours in Uganda are living proof that treatment works. Their experiences challenge the belief that a cancer diagnosis automatically means death and demonstrate the importance of seeking care early.

Families and communities also play a critical role. Patients need support, encouragement, and understanding throughout treatment. Stigma and isolation only add to the burden of illness and may discourage others from seeking help.

Cancer awareness must, therefore, move beyond fear. Communities need accurate information about prevention, early detection, and treatment. Adopting healthier lifestyles, avoiding tobacco, limiting alcohol consumption, maintaining physical activity, receiving recommended vaccines such as HPV, and attending regular medical check-ups can all help reduce cancer risk.

A fortnight ago, in this column, I explored the curious phenomenon of how Uganda appears to have made a Revolutionary out of a General.

The argument was not really about one individual. It was about a deeper shift in how citizens increasingly perceive power, legitimacy, and change. But perhaps Uganda is not the anomaly. Perhaps the world itself is changing.

For much of the 20th Century, politics revolved around familiar categories: capitalism versus socialism, Left versus Right, military versus civilian rule, democracy versus authoritarianism. Following the end of the Cold War, many believed history had settled on a winning formula. Nations were expected to follow a broadly similar path towards governance, economics, and development

Today, that confidence appears to be fading.

In the United States, ”America First” reflects a growing desire to place national priorities above global commitments. China openly argues that modernity does not require Westernisation. India increasingly presents itself as a civilisation with its own historical identity and destiny. In the Sahel, countries such as Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger speak the language of sovereignty and self-determination.

Across parts of South America, indigenous traditions and local philosophies are re-entering national conversations once dominated by imported ideologies.

Different countries. Different histories. Yet remarkably similar questions.

Who are we? And how should we govern ourselves?

What if the defining political divide of the 21st Century is no longer between Left and Right but between imitation and adaptation?

Uganda’s journey makes this question particularly interesting.

Unlike many nations, Uganda has never belonged comfortably to a single political tradition. Within little more than a century, it has experienced powerful kingdoms, colonial administration, Westminster democracy, military governments, the Movement system, multiparty politics, and the coexistence of traditional and modern institutions.

Few countries have experimented with so many models in such a short period.

The result is a population that is often less ideological and more pragmatic than outsiders realise. Ugandans have watched various systems arrive with promises of salvation. Each produced achievements. Each produced disappointments.

Perhaps that is why several citizens increasingly ask a simpler question: Does it work?

This may explain why a serving General can attract anti-establishment enthusiasm, why a ruling movement can still present itself as revolutionary after four decades in power, and why traditional institutions continue to command respect alongside modern political structures.

To outsiders, these contradictions appear confusing. To some Ugandans, they may simply reflect experience.

The same trend is becoming visible elsewhere. Countries increasingly seem less interested in whether a system resembles someone else’s model and is more interested in whether it reflects local realities, protects national interests, and delivers results.

This does not mean democracy is disappearing, nor that sovereignty automatically produces good governance. History is full of leaders who wrapped poor performance in the language of national pride.

But it does suggest that the age of political standardisation may be giving way to an age of political experimentation.

Ironically, Uganda may have arrived at this conversation earlier than most.

For decades, critics argued that Uganda did not fit neatly into established political categories. Today, neither does America. Neither does China. Neither does India. Neither does much of the developing world.

For generations, developing countries were told to study the world. Today, the world itself appears to be studying new ways of governing. From Washington to Beijing, from New Delhi to Ouagadougou, old certainties are fading, and new experiments are emerging.

The real question is no longer whether nations conform to a universal model.

It is whether they can build systems that reflect who they are, where they came from, and where they hope to go.

The Anti-Corruption Division of the High Court has fixed June 17 for mention of the case in which former Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Cooperatives Geraldine Ssali and five others are accused of causing government financial loss and conspiring to defraud the State of billions of shillings.

According to a hearing notice issued by the Anti-Corruption Division, the matter will come up before Justice Jane Okuo Kajuga, paving the way for the long-running criminal proceedings to move closer to trial.

The accused are Ssali, Igara East MP Michael Mawanda Maranga, Elgon County MP Ignatius Wamakuyu Mudimi, former Busiki County MP Paul Akamba, lawyer Julius Taitankoko Kirya and principal cooperative officer Leonard Kavundira.

“Take notice that the above matter before Hon. Lady Justice Jane Okuo Kajuga has been fixed for mention on June 17, 2026 at 9:00am or soon thereafter,” reads part of the court notice issued.

The development comes days after the Constitutional Court delivered a landmark ruling that removed a major legal obstacle which had threatened to halt the prosecution.

In its decision, a panel of five Constitutional Court judges struck down Section 11(2) of the Human Rights Enforcement Act, a provision that required courts to terminate criminal proceedings and acquit accused persons whenever violations of non-derogable rights were established.

The justices held that the provision was inconsistent with the Constitution because it allowed acquittals without a full trial.

“The Constitution is unequivocal that an acquittal may only ensue upon the conclusion of a trial in which the court has received, scrutinised and evaluated the evidence,” the court ruled.

The constitutional challenge had arisen from proceedings involving Akamba, who argued that he had been tortured by security operatives during his arrest and was therefore entitled to an acquittal under the impugned provision.

The ruling effectively cleared the way for prosecutors to proceed with the substantive corruption and money laundering case against all six accused persons.

The prosecution alleges that during the 2021/2022 financial year, Ssali abused her office by introducing Buyaka Growers Cooperative Society Limited onto a list of entities eligible for government compensation despite the cooperative not appearing in the approved supplementary budget.

She is further accused of authorising payments amounting to Shs3.8 billion to Kirya and Company Advocates in contravention of Treasury Instructions.

It is further contended that between 2019 and 2023, the accused conspired to defraud government of more than Shs3.4 billion earmarked for compensating cooperatives affected during the 1981-1986 liberation war and subsequent insurgencies.

The case has suffered several delays, including adjournments caused by the pending Constitutional Court proceedings and the absence of prosecutors. At one stage, the hearing was postponed after state attorneys attended a national prosecution symposium.

The June 17 appearance is expected to provide direction on the next phase of the proceedings and possible dates for the commencement of the trial.

The Ministry of Works and Transport has suspended operations of MV Obongi, the ferry serving the Obongi-Sinyanya crossing between Obongi and Adjumani districts, after the vessel developed a technical fault.

In a public notice issued on June 13, Permanent Secretary Waiswa Bageya said the suspension took immediate effect and will remain in force until further notice.

‘The vessel has developed a technical fault requiring immediate attention,’ Mr Bageya said, adding that the decision was taken in the interest of public safety.

The ministry said technical teams had been deployed to carry out maintenance and repairs on the ferry before services can resume.

Authorities said the public would be informed once the vessel is cleared for operations.

In the meantime, travellers have been advised to use alternative routes, including Kampala-Gulu-Adjumani-MV Laropi Ferry-Moyo-Obongi and Kampala-Pakwach Bridge-Nebbi-Arua-Koboko-Yumbe-Moyo-Obongi.

The suspension is expected to affect movement of people and goods between Obongi, Adjumani and Moyo districts, where river transport remains a key link for access to services and trade.

MV Obongi is one of the major ferry services operating along the River Nile in the West Nile sub-region.

Seven years after its inaugural edition in Uganda in 2019, the Cecafa U-17 Women Championship returned – in Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania – over the weekend.

But with Uganda eliminated from the Fifa U-17 Women’s World Cup (WWC) Qualifiers by Kenya on the away goals rule (after a 1-all draw) last month and Tanzania also eliminated 2-0 on aggregate by South Africa at the same time in the penultimate qualification stage, one cannot help but feel that Cecafa have put the cart before the horse in this case.

When Uganda and Kenya met, both sides clearly had deficiencies. Kenya were a far cry from the team that qualified for the 2014 U-17 WWC in the Dominican Republic. They did not have the pace of old on the wings, could barely control the game, and struggled to bring their physicality to the fore.

Uganda paid dearly for their profligacy in front of goal and naivety in defence that coach Sheryl Botes argued could be resolved by playing more competitive games.

A regional tournament in preparation for the qualifiers, rather than this one that has come after some sides have been eliminated from the World Cup chase, would surely do all those involved a great deal of good.

All of the Cecafa representatives had to prepare for those qualifiers without test matches. Kenyan coach Mildred Cheche decried the fact that the majority of her side had to come from school straight into high-stake games while Botes barely had a week to prepare as she was also involved with the U-20 side Queen Cranes.

Suffice to note that in the opening round of the U-17 qualifiers, Uganda eliminated Zimbabwe 6-1 on aggregate, Tanzania beat Botswana 6-2, and Kenya beat Namibia 7-1 while Burundi eliminated Malawi 4-2, and Ethiopia beat fellow Cecafa side South Sudan 8-0.

Iron sharpens iron

Cecafa could argue that their teams – bar Rwanda which lost 4-1 on aggregate at that opening stage to Zambia – have largely eliminated Cosafa sides this time and in the past despite the latter region having had six editions of their U-17 tournaments since 2019.

In fact Uganda and Tanzania won the first two Cosafa U-17 tourneys in 2019 and 2020 respectively as invited teams.

Granted that the tournaments might not be the only answer but iron sharpens iron and Cecafa sides will definitely get better by playing against each other.

‘I come from Cosafa where we have these tournaments consistently but I am happy that Cecafa is back,’ the South African coach, Botes, said.

‘I think there was a lapse in the past. I am seeing some of these teams for the first time in my life. These girls need competitions and hope this happens on a consistent basis then we can also start thinking of the best in this region playing the best in Cosafa, West Africa, and the northern region because the only time the girls get to play Ghana is in the qualifiers and they get a shock of their lives,’ Botes added.

Game model

Meanwhile, in the final U-17 WWC Qualification round, Kenya meets South Africa while Ethiopia take on Zambia. Ethiopia, like in 2019, have skipped the ongoing Cecafa tourney in Tanzania but held Uganda to a 3-3 home draw last Thursday.

Liday Eaysu and Mairhat Aeyel scored for the hosts in the first and eighth minute but Uganda responded through goals from Joan Namakula and Martha Babirye. Ethiopia restored their lead through Eaysu to lead 3-2 at the break but Flavia Yagala found an equalizer later in the second half to secure a 3-3 draw before Uganda moved to Dar-es-Salaam.

Uganda got its Cecafa title defence started in style with a 13-0 win over the hapless Djibouti. Yagala was again among the goals long after opening efforts from Justine Ayerango and Lydia Namaseruka’s penalty.

Ayerango would add another to find a brace just like Immaculate Acen while Shadia Nabirye led with a hattrick. Tracy Nabalanzi, Rashidah Nakalema, Vicky Atyeronimungu, and Brenda Nassaka got one apiece as Uganda went to the top of Group B despite South Sudan’s 1-0 win over Zanzibar following Seber Amou’s late goal.

‘It is not always about the score but the performances. All these are small building blocks towards a game model and every time you could see that there are small positives coming through,’ Botes said in the aftermath.

‘We struggled in Ethiopia because of the altitude but we managed to come back twice (to level the game). In the World Cup qualifiers, we had a challenge of scoring goals and we have been working extensively on how dynamic we can become and what combinations we can have when we get to the final third.

‘Our transitions are quicker, we had wing play, and we could find each other. This will give the girls confidence and hopefully that will still be there in the next game,’ Botes said.

Cecafa U-17 Women Championship

Group A

Kenya 16-0 Sudan

Tanzania 4-0 Somalia

Group B

South Sudan 1-0 Zanzibar

Uganda 13-0 Djibouti

Next Fixtures – Tuesday, KMC Stadium

Zanzibar vs. Uganda, 1pm

Djibouti vs. South Sudan, 4pm

The president of the opposition People’s Front for Freedom (PFF) and former Kampala Mayor Erias Lukwago was Monday morning seized from his residence in Wakaliga under circumstances that remained unclear.

Details surrounding the operation and any case linked to his arrest were not immediately available.

Lukwago had been scheduled to appear for a television interview at his Kampala office but later opted to conduct it from his residence, according to sources close to him.

He was also preparing to legally serve court documents on Chief of Defence Forces Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, according to PFF.

Boda boda riders in the neighbourhood said they noticed security operatives in the area as early as 6:00 a.m. They reported seeing one numberless vehicle and another with registration plates, carrying an estimated eight people dressed in military uniforms and civilian clothing.

Witnesses told Monitor that the operatives entered the premises by scaling the perimeter fence before moving inside the house of the opposition politician and lawyer, who is part of the defence team representing detained veteran opposition figure Dr Kizza Besigye in his treason-related case.

Monitor journalist Ibrahim Kavuma, who was inside the house at the time of the arrest, said he heard operatives issuing loud commands to the ex-mayor’s wife and slamming doors as they demanded to know Lukwago’s whereabouts before he was later “captured.”

Operatives also momentarily seized devices from those found inside the house at the time.

In an apparent reference to the operation, Gen Muhoozi, later posted on social media: “I have captured a FOOL and taken him to the basement!”

However, Gen Muhoozi did not identify the individual he was referring to, and it was not immediately clear whether the post was related to Lukwago’s reported arrest.

PFF reacts

PFF has condemned Lukwago’s arrest, accusing the government of using security agencies to suppress political dissent.

“Instead of respecting the rule of law, the regime has chosen military might to shield themselves from legal accountability and choke the voices of democratic change. This is the height of state-sponsored lawlessness,” the party said in a statement on X.

“We want to send a clear message to the dictator and his tools of oppression: intimidation cannot and will not deter our resolve. You can blockade a house, but you cannot blockade the burning desire of millions of Ugandans fighting for freedom and democratic change,” the statement added.

Neither the police nor other security agencies had immediately commented on the reported arrest. The circumstances surrounding the operation could not be independently verified.