Category: Daily Monitor

There is a particular kind of confidence a Finance ministry displays when it starts turning down free money. Not literally free, of course because the Bank of Uganda (BoU) still pays for every shilling it borrows, but when a government is offered nearly nine times more cash than it asked for and still says no to the majority of it, that is a signal worth reading carefully.

July 2026, the opening month of Uganda’s new financial year, offered four such signals in a row. To understand July, it helps to know what came before it. The 2025/2026 fiscal year (FY) was an election year, and Uganda’s bond market behaved the way election-year bond markets tend to: nervously, then expensively. Yields on the long end of the curve touched 17.7 to17.9 percent at auction and briefly cleared 18 percent on the secondary market. Investors were, in effect, being paid a hefty political-risk premium to hold 15, 20 and 25-year government paper through a contested electoral cycle.

A slow unwind

The Government of Uganda (GoU), meanwhile, was in no position to argue: its domestic financing needs were large (a Shs72 trillion budget, later topped up with a roughly Shs10 trillion supplementary), donor grants were declining, and it needed the market to show up. It did. Auctions were oversubscribed almost without exception, and the GoU accepted, on average, roughly 13 percent more than it had originally offered across the year. That appetite front-loaded itself.

Uganda issued heavily in the first half of the fiscal year and then, tellingly, skipped a bond auction altogether in December and pulled back acceptance sharply through January and March, as coupon payments and maturities came due and the Treasury managed its own cash-flow pressure rather than the market’s. Then came a wrinkle nobody had priced for. By January 2026, with the election behind it and roughly 90 percent of its financing needs already met, the government’s cost of borrowing began falling fast.

The 20-year touched 14.7 percent in January, a startling six-month drop from the 2025 peaks. Then the Iran war escalated in February and March, the dollar strengthened, offshore investors, who had built their Ugandan sovereign holdings back up to nearly 15 percent of the market by December, began heading for the exits, and yields snapped back up into the 15 to16 percent range, where they largely stayed through the first half of 2026. As Janet Anayo, an investment analyst at Old Mutual Investment Group Uganda, put it: ‘That Iran war escalated, in February, March… you’d see that there was a bit of volatility in the fixed income market. Part of that was that these offshore investors were exiting some of these positions.’

July, dissected

Against that backdrop, July’s four auctions that include two, five and 15-year bonds on the 1st; Treasury bills on the 8th; three, 10 and 20-year bonds on the 15th; and two, five, 15 and 25-year bonds again on the 29th, read more like a government pressing its advantage. The numbers, taken together, show that across the month, the BoU offered a combined Shs3.73 trillion of paper. Investors tendered Shs8.79 trillion, 2.36 times over-subscribed. The GoU accepted just Shs3.85 trillion, meaning it turned away roughly Shs4.93 trillion that investors were actively trying to hand it.

More interesting than the aggregate is the shape of the curve within the month. Three tenors were reopened twice in July, and all three priced lower the second time. The two-year fell from 12.800 percent (1 July) to 12.500 percent (29 July), down 30 basis points. The five-year fell from 14.700 percent to 14.250 percent, down 45 basis points, even as its tender book nearly doubled, from Shs824 billion to Shs1.06 trillion. The 15-year fell from 15.750 percent to 15.650 percent, down 10 basis points The short and belly of the curve, in other words, are still compressing, and doing so with demand accelerating rather than tapering off, a signature of a market conditioned to expect further easing.

The long end also tells something. The 25-year bond, the same 16 percent-coupon, 2050-maturity paper first floated in August 2025, cleared at exactly 16.000 percent on July 29, having traded, according to secondary-market levels in June, around 15.93 percent. That is a small but real reversal: seven basis points higher, not lower, after weeks of apparent softening. It is also barely above where the 20-year cleared two weeks earlier, at 15.950 percent, an unusually flat spread for 500 basis points of extra duration risk. Meanwhile the 10-year, at 15.450 percent, is essentially unchanged from where it was trading roughly six weeks earlier at 15.44 percent.

This means that Uganda’s front end is still easing decisively, its belly has stabilised, and its very long end has stopped falling and shown its first flicker of resistance. That divergence matters for how one reads the ‘taper.’ Government’s declared preference, as Susan Namaganda, a fixed income expert noted, is unambiguous. At borrowing costs of 16 to17 percent, ‘that’s really expensive debt for the government of Uganda as they’re running the country,’ and the state ‘wants to start tapering… maybe we can go down to the 14 percent ranges, 13 percent ranges.’ The July data shows that ambition is being realised at the short end and stalling, for now, at the long end, precisely where offshore investors, still skittish after February’s exodus, exert the most pricing power.

The architecture

None of this is accidental. The 2026/2027 auction calendar, published just before the fiscal year began, was engineered with exactly this dynamic in mind. Treasury bill auctions were cut from twice a month to once, a change Ms Namaganda linked directly to the State’s declining appetite for short-dated rollover risk. ‘Now for this particular calendar the government is saying, no, we no longer want that much of the short money, we want longer-term money,’ she noted. Several long-dated benchmarks are also being deliberately retired. The three-year bond used in July’s auction, which is the 15.550 percent paper maturing July 2028, is scheduled to stop being reissued around August, replaced by a fresh 3-year benchmark from September.

The 15-year (15.800 percent, maturing 2039) and 20-year (15.000 percent, maturing 2043) bonds sold in July face the same fate around August and September. Ms Namaganda’s explanation was that: ‘Since these particular bonds, especially the 20 and 15-year bond, ever since they issued them out, they have been appearing on the calendars non-stop… the government has also accumulated an outstanding debt on those particular [maturities].’ A bond switch is also scheduled for March 2027, giving holders of the August 2029 bond the option, not obligation, to roll into fresh paper, a tool Ms Namaganda described as designed to relieve exactly the kind of maturity-clustering pressure that a large single redemption date creates: ‘It is not a must to switch your bond.’

There is also a longer-term financing story sitting underneath all of this. Ms Anayo flagged Uganda’s approaching oil production, expected to commence in the second half of 2026, as a structural reason for the government to want cheaper domestic debt now. A new external revenue stream reduces the urgency to keep paying elevated coupons to attract Treasury demand. ‘The government wants to diversify away from expensive shilling-denominated borrowing to be able to reduce the rate at which they are borrowing,’ Ms Namaganda noted. That, combined with public debt sitting at roughly 53 percent of GDP and a Fitch rating of B+ with a stable outlook, figures which Ms Anayo cited as the credit backdrop investors should be weighing against the yields. This gives the government both the incentive and, so far, the credibility to keep rejecting bids rather than chase the market up.

What to watch

Owing to this, two things are worth tracking into August and beyond.

First, whether the roughly Shs900 billion rejected at the 25-year auction alone, plus the hundreds of billions turned away across the rest of July, resurfaces, as expected, at the mid-August auction covering the 20-year, 10-year and 3-year bonds.

A further oversubscription there would confirm that July’s discipline is sustainable rather than a one-month anomaly.

Second, whether the long end’s slight uptick on July 29 was noise or the start of a genuine re-steepening, as the market prices in the retirement of the current 15- and 20-year benchmarks and waits to see what coupon the replacement bonds carry in September.

If the pattern of the last financial year is any guide, heavy front-loaded issuance early, followed by a deliberate pullback once financing needs are largely met, investors would not assume July’s rejection rates persist unchanged all year.

One month in, the government has already cut yields on three bonds it didn’t have to reopen, and the long end hasn’t punished it for trying.

In July 2026, at least, Uganda’s Treasury was setting the terms, not taking them.

For four weeks, this weekly column and others appearing in the Weekend Monitor have been absent. The reason is well known.

The government, unhappy with the way Daily Monitor and its sister broadcasters – NTV, Spark TV, KFM and Ddembe FM – covered it, moved to shut them down temporarily. People who care about press freedom and free speech – and the role they play in fostering democracy – expressed serious concerns.

The government had its compelling reasons for the action it took, just like the people who were concerned. The good news is that all five outlets have resumed operations.

Discerning news consumers are now going to watch closely and see if the reporting, commentary and opinions will change.

My guess is that they will. The reason is simple. A newspaper, radio or TV station that is closed for good does absolutely nothing.

But one that has been forced into self-censorship can, at the very least, report something that people want to know. Ideally, news outlets should report freely.

Governments in many places are concerned about what they call critical or biased reporting. Many do take drastic action against the press.

But the solution to this problem, assuming it is a problem, does not have to be heavy-handedness. Nordic countries are a good place to start.

Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden are, in my humble opinion, the best examples you can cite when talking about countries that are politically well managed. True, in developing countries, many people are wowed by the United States and the UK.

Both are favourite destinations for those wishing to emigrate, and part of the reason has to do with their official language: English.

However, neither does better than Nordic countries across a range of indexes measuring anything from happiness to corruption to human development.

Their performance is exceptional, and they have every reason to say that politics really works for ordinary people. Being a politician in these countries generally means working for the good of the country. And the results are impressive.

Mention the UNDP Human Development Index (HDI), for example, and you will find Nordic countries consistently rank among the highest.

The index covers nearly 200 countries and is a measure combining life expectancy, education and income per person into a single score ranking countries’ development.

Nordic countries have consistently dominated the top 10 slots for years. They do the same on the Corruption Perceptions Index by the Berlin-based Transparency International.

On the 2025 Index, for example, Denmark had the highest score: 89/100, followed by Finland, with 88/100. Uganda’s score has remained in the 20s for more than 10 years.

The CPI ranks 182 countries and territories worldwide by their perceived levels of public sector corruption. The results are given on a scale of 0, which means a country is highly corrupt to 100, which means almost zero corruption.

Two other indexes on which Nordic countries are star performers are the World Happiness Report and World Press Freedom Index.

The five countries consistently rank at or near the top. The government says it is fighting corruption. Some believe it. It moves to investigate some key public figures over allegations of corruption and then leaves the public guessing about what will be done next, with many speculating that even if incriminating evidence is found, they will never be tried.

How then can such a government improve its score on the Corruption Perceptions Index? To catch up with Nordic countries, Uganda needs actions, not words. And more importantly, it should regard the media as a key ally.

I must start with an obvious disclaimer. The arguments I make here, as with all opinion writings, are entirely my views, expressed in the exercise of the inalienable right to free speech, a core provision in Uganda’s Bill of Rights.

I have written this ‘Majority Report’ column for eight years, uncensored. It is an honour. My editors have never dictated what I should and shouldn’t write about. No topic is proscribed. This has been the track record of Daily Monitor, called The Monitor in its first 10 years until 2002 – a platform for independent thought and a space for bold journalism.

No other media outlet in contemporary Uganda has sustained this standing so consistently and this long.

Yet, for a whole month until early this week, this newspaper and all its sister outlets under the Nation Media Group, Uganda (NMG-U) were summarily shut down by Ugandan authorities.

I cannot speak to the circumstances of such an extreme measure, and I know nothing about the conditions and compromises that led to reopening. But as a writer I am delighted I can write this column again.

As a citizen I am deeply relieved that our country’s most influential media company has returned to business despite the damage and losses incurred, and a newspaper many trust for independent and informative content is back on the stands and online.

The Monitor brand occupies an unmatched place in Uganda’s civic and political sphere; it is irreplaceable. Shutting it down for a month, the third time and the longest this has happened, leaves a chilling impact on media freedom. It also puts a stain on Uganda’s investment and tourism image.

Daily Monitor has held the line of critical reporting and public-interest journalism in ways no other media outlet has, earning public trust and earnest respect hard to quantify or monetise.

Consider, for example, that during the shutdown, Uganda Radio Network published a report of a survey with some instructive results. While not totally representative, across the country the survey found that newspaper circulation of other papers had plummeted because of the absence of Daily Monitor on the stands.

This was quite revealing. Equally intriguing but perhaps unsurprising, readers interviewed expressed sentiments of withdrawal from mainstream news consumption altogether and a shift to social media now that they couldn’t access Daily Monitor.

Stark irony

This is a stark irony.

Strangling a credible and established media house, one that operates with important institutional guardrails and editorial gatekeeping, necessarily creates a void that is easily exploitable for unprofessional and potentially dangerous information dissemination.

This is now utterly hard to regulate or stop in the era of unfettered social media, clickbaits, algorithms and individuals who selfishly pursue personal attention out of which they make money.

Whatever grievances Uganda’s leadership may have against NMG-U, constructive dialogue is a more prudent strategy.

There is a popular but false perception that Daily Monitor is anti-government. Far from it. Except for doing what any serious and independent media house is expected to do, that is, report critically and independently, Daily Monitor (and before it, The Monitor) has for more than three decades been one of the NRM’s most important strategic allies.

Mr Philip Wafula Oguttu, The Monitor’s founding editor-in-chief, was in fact a card-carrying member of President Museveni’s Uganda People’s Movement, the predecessor to the NRM and knew Mr Museveni very personally.

The Monitor consistently provided intellectual and political support to the government’s embrace of neoliberal economic policies that were implemented throughout the 1990s when it could have done the exact opposite had it been, indeed, ‘anti-government’.

Better still, at a time when the NRM faced global scrutiny over its democratic credentials having banned political party activities, The Monitor newspaper provided priceless political legitimacy as the foremost point of reference in making the case that Uganda was a free and democratic country.

This, of course, was always only part of the story, but in the quest for a democratic society there is no gainsaying the value of having a media house that runs on an independent editorial posture and provides space for ideas and arguments very critical of the ruling government as Daily Monitor has done for decades.

Whatever lies ahead in the post-shutdown era, whether the paper’s fidelity to its editorial values takes a knock, the Monitor brand, name and edge shall endure.

The government is coming up with a new digitalised system to bring errant drivers to order and curb road crashes that have plagued the transport sector.

The development comes after a bus crash claimed the lives of 24 pupils of King David Junior School at Kaserem, along the Kapchorwa-Mbale Road in eastern Uganda on July 16.

A week earlier, another bus carrying students and teachers from Mwebaze High School collided with a train at Namumira railway crossing in Mukono, killing one and injuring multitudes, prompting the government to suspend all school educational trips.

The Commissioner Transport Regulation and Safety in the Ministry of Works, Mr Winstone Katushabe, says they have discovered that most drivers drive for longer hours, with some driving from as far as Kisoro in Western Uganda to Kampala, and immediately jump into another bus to Soroti or Mbale in Eastern Uganda.

‘We are coming up with a new system which is now in the initial stages of being tested, where we have biometric logins to specifically help us to deal with drivers’ fatigue and speed,’ Mr Katushabe said on Thursday.

He was leading a team from Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) and the Directorate of Traffic on a spot check of Kisenyi Bus Terminal as part of their mandate to do routine monitoring, supervision and confirm compliance.

He explained that the driver will have to log-in from the bus terminals, and that bus owners, management of the park, and police are going to be trained on how to navigate the process.

‘Verification of police at checkpoints will be through biometric check-in and then login. When a driver leaves, say, Kampala at 9am, we don’t expect him or her in Lukaya at 10am as that will mean he or she was speeding.

‘But also, it will tell us if you drove from Mbale to Kampala, and will be seen driving from Kampala to Kisoro when you are supposed to be resting. All these are going to help us to deal with fatigue, driver behavior, speed, and enable passengers to travel well,’ he added.

Mr Katushabe said they have held a meeting with the leadership of Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) to that effect, and agreed that buses only load passengers in gazetted parks, not ‘gazetted garages’.

He said the impromptu operation followed several complaints from the general public and recent crashes, especially by buses which lack route charts and passenger service vehicles (PSVs), among other statutory requirements.

‘We sampled about two-three cases and found that they didn’t comply with the statutory requirements; some of the drivers ran away, and a number of brokers were found fighting at the entrance of the bus terminal for passengers,’ he said.

‘You find the passenger in a bus and the luggage is in a different bus; or a passenger has children who are being loaded in a different bus from the one the parent is boarding,’ said Mr Katushabe.

The operation further revealed persistent lapses in the transport sector, including issuing of fake tickets allegedly by the elusive brokers, prompting a directive from Mr Katushabe that every bus company should have uniformed guides.

Mr Saturday Muhwezi, the General Manager of Kisenyi Bus Terminal, said they have set up a seven-member committee that will see two uniformed guides allocated at each bus to curb the errant brokers.

The Premier of the Buganda Kingdom, Katikkiro Charles Peter Mayiga, has issued a passionate call to Ugandans to resolutely defend and preserve their cultural identity in the face of fast-spreading global cultural influences, warning that no society should sacrifice its heritage under the guise of embracing modernity.

Addressing a high-profile congregation during the Buganda Kingdom’s annual coronation thanksgiving service held at Watoto Church Central in Kampala, Mr Mayiga emphasized that culture remains the indispensable foundation of a people’s dignity, historical continuity, and sense of belonging.

The thanksgiving service was organized as part of the main events marking the 33rd coronation anniversary of the Kabaka of Buganda, His Majesty Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II.

Reflecting on this year’s anniversary theme, ‘Fortitude as We Promote Our Cultural Values,’ the Katikkiro noted that the contemporary world increasingly pressures local communities to discard their distinct traditions, languages, and belief systems in pursuit of a standardized global culture.

“Culture is a set of beliefs and values that define a people. Since the biblical era of the Tower of Babel, God ordained different languages, tribes, and communities. Therefore, being a Muganda, an Englishman, or any other nationality is a God-sanctioned occurrence, not an accident of history,” Mr Mayiga declared.

He added: “Globalization tends to turn the human race into one uniform entity. Advocates of globalization often tell you that your native language is not universal and that your local way of life lacks global appeal. We must cultivate the moral and intellectual fortitude to preserve and promote what defines us.”

To illustrate that adherence to tradition is not at variance with modern living, the Katikkiro cited the deeply rooted cultural rituals observed in the United Kingdom following the passing of Queen Elizabeth II. He pointed to centuries-old traditions such as the formal ceremony of informing the royal bees of the monarch’s passing and the symbolic Broken Wand ceremony performed at St George’s Chapel.

“If the global community regards the English as modern, yet they meticulously observe such centuries-old traditions, then culture remains vital for any civilized society,” Mr Mayiga remarked. “Modernity is simply what is currently trending, but culture is deeply rooted in a people’s permanent heritage.”

Clarifying the core theme of the celebration, Mr Mayiga cautioned against misinterpreting fortitude as an invitation to confrontation or social division.

“Fortitude is not synonymous with physical fights, aggressive outbursts, or hostile political exchanges,” the Katikkiro explained. “It requires a firm, unwavering belief in one’s values, the conviction to speak the truth without fear, and the commitment to embrace formal education, spiritual devotion, and a sophisticated understanding of the world around us.”

Government pledges partnership

In a speech delivered on his behalf by Prime Minister Robinah Nabbanja, President Museveni extended warm congratulations to Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II upon reaching his 33rd coronation milestone. The President offered prayers for the monarch’s continued health, wisdom, and stable stewardship of the kingdom over the past three decades.

“I congratulate Your Majesty upon your 33rd Coronation Anniversary and thank Almighty God for the 33 years of your reign since your historic coronation at Naggalabi, Buddo in 1993,” President Museveni stated.

The President reiterated that the decision by the National Resistance Movement (NRM) government to restore traditional institutions in 1993 was guided by a commitment to strengthen national cohesion and preserve Uganda’s rich socio-cultural fabric.

“This historic restoration was born out of a shared vision between the NRM government and traditional institutions to restore cultural heritage as a vital pillar of identity, morality, and social cohesion,” Mr Museveni noted, adding that cultural institutions remain essential partners in driving national development.

“The NRM government has always maintained that cultural institutions are not an obstacle to modernity, but indispensable partners in national transformation,” the President observed.

He praised the Buganda Kingdom administration at Mengo for its grass-roots mobilization capacity, particularly in supporting government initiatives aimed at public health and poverty alleviation.

“Your Majesty’s leadership has been central in mobilizing our people for critical development initiatives,” President Museveni said. “We particularly commend the Kingdom’s active participation in public health campaigns, especially the fight against HIV/AIDS, maternal health awareness, and poverty eradication.”

The President noted that Mengo’s socio-economic campaigns directly complement government wealth-creation initiatives, such as the Parish Development Model (PDM). To support the anniversary activities, President Museveni contributed Shs 40 million towards the organization of the coronation events.

A historic milestone for the Church

The hosting of the annual thanksgiving service at Watoto Church marked a historic departure from tradition, representing the first time an Evangelical Pentecostal church hosted the Buganda Kingdom’s official annual coronation service.

Welcoming the royal delegation, the Senior Pastor of Watoto Church, Pastor Julius Rwotlonyo, expressed gratitude to the Kingdom leadership for selecting the sanctuary for the national prayer service.

“My wife, Vanita, and I are deeply honored that the Buganda Kingdom chose Watoto Church to host this important celebration,” Pastor Rwotlonyo said. “We are committed to ensuring that this thanksgiving service glorifies God and honors His Majesty the Kabaka and the people of Buganda.”

Pastor Rwotlonyo commended Kabaka Mutebi for his fatherly guidance and unifying leadership, noting that his reign has continued to inspire citizens across ethnicity and denomination.

Context and background

Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II was crowned the 36th King of Buganda on July 31, 1993, at Naggalabi, Buddo in Wakiso District-the traditional site where Buganda kings have been crowned for centuries. His coronation followed the constitutional amendment by the NRM government that restored traditional kingdoms, which had been abolished in 1967 under the government of President Apollo Milton Obote.

Over the past three decades, the Kabaka’s reign has prioritized economic empowerment, education, youth development, and healthcare. Mengo’s health drives, such as the Kabaka Birthday Run, have raised funds and public awareness for campaigns against fistula, sickle cell disease, and HIV/AIDS.

Dignitaries Present

The thanksgiving service brought together high-ranking leaders from government, traditional leadership, and the clergy.

Police in Masindi district have confirmed that three people were hospitalised on Friday and livestock killed following a violent clash between members of Canaan Jerusalem Miracle Ministries Church and a group of sugarcane cutters in Kyarutanga Village, Kijunjubwa Sub-county, Masindi District.

The violence occurred on Friday at around 7:00 a.m., when more than 100 sugarcane cutters, allegedly armed with pangas, sticks and other crude weapons, stormed the church premises and attacked worshippers.

Many of the worshippers come from several districts, Nakasongola, Nakaseke, Kiboga and Luweero, and camp at the church praying for deliverance.

The incident is alleged to have been triggered by tensions arising from the recently concluded Local Council One (LC1) elections in Kyarutanga Village.

The Albertine North Regional Community Liaison Officer and Acting Regional Police Spokesperson, ASP Solomon Mugisa, confirmed the incident, saying the preliminary investigations indicate that the violence stemmed from disagreements related to the recent LC1 elections.

According to police, members of Canaan Jerusalem Miracle Ministries Church supported one Kamugisha, who is also a church member, and had contested against incumbent chairperson Mr Sabiiti Yokoyasi for Kyarutanga Village, who also supervises the sugarcane cutters. Kamugisha lost the election.

Police confirmed that one sugarcane cutter was injured during the clashes while three church members were hospitalised.

ASP Mugisa said police have arrested one suspect, Rakaya Festo, a sugarcane cutter, to assist with investigations.

“We condemn all acts of violence and urge residents to resolve disputes through dialogue and establish local leadership structures instead of taking the law into their own hands. One suspect has already been arrested to assist with investigations,” Mugisa said.

Church members allege that disagreements began before the elections after they objected to sugarcane cutters, who work in different sugarcane farms in Kyarutanga Village, many of whom they claim are not permanent residents of the village, being included in the village voters’ register.

They further allege that because the sugarcane cutters are supervised by Mr Sabiiti, they overwhelmingly voted in his favour, leading to his victory on Tuesday 28th July.

According to church members, tensions escalated on Tuesday evening shortly after voting when a group of sugarcane cutters allegedly attacked some of the church members at its premises. They claim they managed to repel the attackers, and one sugarcane cutter was arrested and handed over to police.

However, they allege that Friday’s attack was carried out in retaliation.

The three critically injured victims have been identified as Geoffrey Ninsiima, Charles Talemwa and Robert Ninsiima, all church members. They are receiving treatment at Purity Medical Centre in Masindi Town.

Church members also claim that the attackers killed sheep belonging to the church and drove away four cows during the violence.

Mr Daniel Abaho, one of the church members, said the attackers arrived unexpectedly on Friday morning while armed with pangas and sticks.

“We suddenly saw a large group of sugarcane cutters armed with pangas and sticks storming the church. They destroyed property and assaulted believers who were at the church. We tried to defend ourselves, but they outnumbered us. This was the second attack within a week after a similar incident on Tuesday,” Abaho said.

Another church member, Mr James Byaruhanga, said he was asleep at the church when the attack started.

“I woke up after hearing people screaming. When I came outside, I found sugarcane cutters attacking fellow church members with sticks and pangas. Many people were injured. They also killed sheep and took away four cows belonging to the church,” he said.

Pastor Daniel Muhanuzi, attached to the church, said the attackers surrounded the church before assaulting everyone they encountered.

“I am yet to understand the exact motive because the candidate they supported actually won the election. It is true that our church also fronted a candidate who lost, and we accepted the results. We are wondering why they attacked us. Police have visited the scene, and we are asking for justice and protection because our members are living in fear,” Pastor Muhanuzi said.

He added that the attack lasted for nearly one and a half hours, from around 7:00 a.m. until about 8:30 a.m.

Another church member, Mr Robert Barugahare, believes the violence was politically motivated.

“I believe this attack was linked to the recent LC1 elections because members of the church supported the losing candidate. Since the violence started on Tuesday, the LC1 chairperson has never visited us, yet he is the leader of the village. We suspect some level of political influence behind the attacks,” he alleged.

Victims recount ordeal

Mr Geoffrey Ninsiima, one of the injured victims, said he sustained injuries to the chest, legs and abdomen while trying to rescue women and children.

“I was injured while trying to save mothers and children who were being beaten. We are innocent people. We pray that justice prevails because we were attacked while at our place of worship,” he said.

Mr Charles Talemwa said he suffered deep injuries to the head and other parts of his body.

“I appeal to the authorities to intervene before this situation claims lives. I have a deep cut on my head, and I am in severe pain,” Talemwa said.

Mr Christopher Tumusiime, the officer in charge at Purity Medical Centre, confirmed receiving the three injured victims.

“They arrived in critical condition with multiple deep cuts and excessive bleeding. We are doing everything possible to save their lives,” he said.

The Bishop of Canaan Jerusalem Miracle Ministries Church, Fred Tumusiime, appealed to government and security agencies to provide lasting protection to church members.

“I call upon the authorities in Masindi to intervene because this has become a serious security threat. Police and the UPDF responded but later left without maintaining security at the church. We fear the attackers could return, especially at night,” Bishop Tumusiime said.

He added that the church attracts worshippers from several districts, including Ngoma, Nakasongola, Nakaseke, Kiboga and Luweero, making the insecurity even more worrying.

Mr Sabiiti Yokoyasi, the LC1 chairperson of Kyarutanga Village, denied allegations linking him to the violence, saying that after receiving information, he immediately alerted police after learning of the attack.

“My responsibility was to notify the police, and I did so immediately. I condemn indiscipline from both sides and believe dialogue is the best solution. I was not behind the attack as alleged. As the elected chairperson, I serve everyone regardless of who voted for me,” Sabiiti said.

He added that village leaders would convene a meeting to peacefully resolve the dispute.

Veteran opposition leader Col (rtd) Dr Kizza Besigye remains in critical condition in the Intensive Care Unit (ICU) at Mulago National Referral Hospital following his collapse in court earlier this week, sources and political allies have confirmed.

As of Saturday, August 1, 2026, close family members caring for the founder of the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF) described his health status as deeply worrying, even as heavy security continues to surround the medical facility.

Neither the Mulago Hospital administration nor Uganda Prisons Service officials have issued an official statement regarding his medical condition. When contacted, Mr Frank Baine, Senior Commissioner of Prisons and spokesperson for the Uganda Prisons Service, declined to comment.

PFF leaders blocked from visiting

On Friday evening, a delegation of top PFF leaders was turned away when they attempted to visit the veteran politician at Mulago. The delegation included Deputy Secretary General Harold Kaija, Kampala Deputy Lord Mayor Doreen Nyanjura, and the party’s Head of Mobilisation, Ingrid Turinawe.

According to Ms Nyanjura, the Deputy Executive Director of Mulago Hospital, Dr John Ssekabira, informed them that hospital policy strictly prohibits visitors from entering the ICU.

However, Ms Nyanjura strongly criticized the heavy military and police presence stationed around Besigye’s bedside.

“Why should a critically ill, unconscious man in an intensive care unit be subjected to a show of force? This excessive display of guns inside a sacred place of healing is both absurd and deeply inhumane,” Nyanjura said.

Byanyima condemns heavy-handed security

Writing on her official X (formerly Twitter) account on July 31, Dr Besigye’s wife and UNAIDS Executive Director, Dr Winnie Byanyima, revealed that medical doctors are still trying to determine the exact cause of his collapse. She described his state as extremely weak and only partially conscious.

Dr Byanyima also accused prison authorities of denying her the right to participate in medical briefings via phone while traveling back to Uganda.

“Our family received a briefing from the Mulago doctors treating KB. Yet Prison Officer Siima denied me, his next of kin, the right to join the briefing by phone. His reason? He ‘didn’t have permission.’ This is the arrogance of arbitrary power,” Byanyima posted, adding that she was traveling from Rio de Janeiro to be at her husband’s bedside. “Stand aside, Siima. No one will keep me from him.”

In a follow-up post on August 1, Byanyima expressed profound heartbreak over the political situation in the country.

“The pain is immense. In Uganda today, the price of speaking, thinking, or believing differently has become intolerably high. This is not the Uganda we want. It is not the Uganda we deserve,” she wrote.

Collapse followed court protest

Dr Besigye’s medical crisis began on Wednesday when he collapsed inside the dock during court proceedings.

The collapse occurred shortly after he protested the commencement of his trial without legal counsel of his choice. Although the court had appointed state legal representation for him, Besigye informed the judge that he had not been granted sufficient time to consult with them and requested a one-week adjournment to prepare his defence.

The court rejected his plea and ordered the prosecution to proceed, shortly after which Besigye collapsed.

The four-time presidential candidate has been in state custody since November 2024, when he was snatched from Nairobi, Kenya, and brought back to Uganda to face treason charges. He is jointly charged alongside Hajj Obeid Lutale and Captain Denis Oola.

Besigye’s detention has fueled anger among local and international human rights activists, with the Commonwealth calling for his release.

In February, Besigye was briefly hospitalized after going on a hunger strike to protest his detention. In April, Dr Byanyima told rights group Amnesty International that “his health is not that good.”

Besigye has been pressing the government to restore his defence team after his lead attorney, Martha Karua, a Kenyan national, was declared persona non grata. Meanwhile, another senior lawyer on the team, Erias Lukwago, was arrested and charged with misprision of treason. He remains in custody.

President Museveni has declared that African countries will continue supporting Somalia’s peace and stabilization efforts, even if the United States and other international partners withdraw financial and logistical support for the African Union mission.

Speaking on the final day of the Extraordinary Summit of Heads of State of Troop-Contributing Countries to the African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM) at Speke Resort Munyonyo on Friday, President Museveni emphasized that Africa has repeatedly overcome security challenges through regional solidarity rather than external assistance.

“If the international community wants to pull out, let them. All the problems we have solved here, we solved without their support. We got support from our brothers. When we fought Amin, it was Tanzania and Mozambique. On Sudan, it was us. Somalia will not be abandoned. We have the capacity. Whether others pull out or not, we shall stand,” Mr. Museveni said.

He cited Africa’s historic liberation struggles as evidence that the continent possesses the resilience to confront its security challenges. Defending Uganda’s ongoing military deployment in Somalia, Mr. Museveni noted that the intervention was driven by regional security imperatives and principle rather than foreign interests.

According to the President, Uganda deployed troops after extremist groups attempted to use violence to impose their ideology, threatening peace across the Horn of Africa. He added that Uganda also acted in solidarity with Ethiopia, which faced growing threats from armed groups operating from Somalia and Sudan.

“When therefore we decided to involve ourselves in Somalia, it was out of principle and strategy. We did not accept the chauvinism of Islamic groups who come here and waste our time… The second reason was to extend solidarity to Ethiopia… We had to stand with them,” he said.

The Munyonyo summit was convened amid growing uncertainty surrounding the future financing of AUSSOM after the United States informed the African Union on July 1, 2026, that it would not support renewing the mission’s mandate when it comes before the United Nations Security Council in December.

The decision comes as Washington reviews funding for several UN and international peace support operations.

Despite the financial headwinds, continental leadership reaffirmed its commitment to Somalia’s security transition, demanding predictable financing aligned with African-led priorities.

Briefing delegates at the summit, the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, Mr. Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, highlighted three core messages from the continental body regarding the future of the peacekeeping mission.

“I wish to assure the government and people of Somalia that the Commission will continue to mobilize all the political, diplomatic, and financial support necessary for the success of this mission,” Mr. Youssouf assured.

Mr. Youssouf also paid tribute to the African troops serving under AUSSOM, praising their professionalism, discipline, and sacrifices in helping restore stability to the region.

Uganda became the first country to deploy troops to Somalia in 2007 under the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). Since then, the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) have played a pivotal role alongside the Somali National Army in liberating key territories from the Al-Shabaab militant group and safeguarding critical government infrastructure.

In 2024, AMISOM transitioned into AUSSOM, shifting focus toward strengthening Somali national security institutions, protecting civilians, and facilitating a gradual, full transfer of security responsibilities to Somali forces.

The summit concluded with participating Heads of State issuing a joint communique reaffirming their commitment to AUSSOM and calling on global partners to ensure sustainable, long-term financing to safeguard regional stability.

Residents of Muiyibwe fishing community in Lugala Zone, Lugoba Parish, Ssibukumi Sub County, spent Saturday stranded after suspected goons dug a ditch across the only road connecting them to the rest of the village.

The ditch, dug on the night of Friday, July 31, lies less than a kilometer from the lakeside community toward the village centre, blocking vehicles and making movement difficult for more than 2,000 residents.

Residents told the Monitor the attackers are allegedly linked to the late city criminal Ssobi, who was killed in a land dispute last year.

‘They were deployed on the land by people who claim to own 640 acres on Plot 491, Block 2,’ one resident said.

The land is at the center of a court battle between Kiziba Estates and Sir Henry Morgan and Associates Limited, with each side claiming ownership.

Locals accuse the goons of terrorising them since last year.

‘I acquired 100 acres on this land 10 years ago but three years ago people from Sir Henry Morgans who claim to be owners of the land started threatening to evict me. Since then goons have destroyed my farm on a daily basis, they beat up my workers, destroy my properties. I have really suffered,’ said Mr Rugumayo, a kibanja holder.

Mr Fredrick Wilson Sselwanise, an estate manager for Kiziba Estate, condemned the attack and called for urgent intervention.

‘Whenever they learn about our presence or coming, they hide and choose to terrorize residents when we go away. We have the title of this land because it’s a Leopard clan land which was given to our grandfather by the Kabaka of Buganda,’ Sselwanise said.

He added that he and other residents will file a case with police on Sunday and return to the land with leaders for a village meeting.

The outgoing village chairperson, Mr Joseph Walugembe, said he had not yet visited the scene.

‘I have not been in the village but upon my return, I received a call just 20 minutes ago about this incident and have not yet personally gone there but once I visit the scene tomorrow, I will be able to give an elaborate comment,’ he said.

The case over the 640 acres is currently before Lugazi High Court.

When the Uganda Performing Rights Society (UPRS) announced the distribution of Shs216 million in royalties to eligible rights holders this year, it should have been a moment of celebration for Uganda’s music industry. Instead, it triggered one of the most intense debates the country’s copyright ecosystem has witnessed in recent years. The controversy reached its peak after celebrated musician Douglas Mayanja, alias Weasel, publicly disclosed that he had received Shs285,498 in royalties.

To many fans and industry players, the figure appeared inconceivable for one half of Radio and Weasel, arguably one of Uganda’s most commercially successful music duos whose catalogue has dominated airwaves, concerts and public spaces for nearly two decades. The payment immediately ignited accusations of inefficiency, opacity and possible mismanagement within Uganda’s royalty system. Soon after, Goodlyfe Magic Limited announced its intention to terminate UPRS’ mandate over the Radio and Weasel catalogue, citing concerns over transparency and confidence in the collective management system. What followed was not merely a disagreement over one payment.

It exposed deeper questions about copyright administration, collective management, music rights documentation and whether Uganda’s royalty ecosystem is fit for purpose in an increasingly digital music economy. The debate has become less about one artiste and more about whether the country truly understands how royalties are generated, collected and distributed.

Could the popularity myth be at play here?

It is highly probable. For years, many Ugandans have believed that the biggest musicians automatically receive the biggest royalty cheques. The logic appears straightforward. Radio and Weasel music continues to enjoy regular rotation on radio and television stations, in bars, hotels, restaurants, public events and across digital platforms. Therefore, many assume the duo’s royalty earnings should naturally run into millions of shillings every distribution cycle.

Copyright administration, however, as music business consultant Geofrey Ekongot explains, operates very differently. Popularity alone does not generate royalties. ‘Before any musician receives payment, several processes must happen. A work has to be properly registered. Rights holders must be identified. Ownership percentages have to be documented. The collecting society must hold the necessary mandate,’ Mr Ekongot says, adding that music users must obtain licences and pay for them.

What explains the paperwork behind every song?

Put simply, usage data must be captured, matched to registered repertoire and reconciled before distribution is calculated. Break one link in that chain and even a hit song may fail to generate the royalties its owner expects. That distinction sits at the centre of the current debate. The dispute also highlighted a challenge of weak rights documentation that has quietly existed within the music industry for decades. Many artistes still operate under informal arrangements built on friendships, verbal agreements and studio understandings rather than properly documented contracts. A song may involve composers, lyricists, performers, producers, publishers, featured artistes and investors.

Each may hold different rights requiring clear documentation before royalties can be accurately distributed. Paying a producer for studio time, for example, is not automatically the same as acquiring that producer’s copyright interest. Likewise, paying a featured artiste does not necessarily extinguish future performer rights unless clearly agreed in writing. The Copyright and Neighbouring Rights (Amendment) Act, 2026 strengthens this position by recognising written assignments, licences and transfers as central to ownership and rights administration. Without complete documentation, royalty distribution becomes increasingly complex. Many Ugandan musicians have managed successful careers but relatively incomplete rights records.

What has the response from the UPRS been like?

Facing mounting criticism, the UPRS defended its distribution process. Board Chairman Martin Nkoyoyo acknowledged that Shs216 million remains far below what Ugandan creators deserve, describing the latest distribution as ‘one step in a much larger journey’ towards building a stronger copyright economy. He argued that royalty payments are not rewards for fame or membership but compensation based on documented use of registered works and the society’s approved distribution methodology.

Mr Nkoyoyo said the society can only distribute money that has actually been collected from licensed users and matched to registered repertoire, for a particular year. The organisation also clarified that royalties are distributed proportionately rather than equally, meaning some members receive only modest amounts while others receive substantially larger payments depending on documented usage. UPRS further pointed to longstanding structural challenges affecting collective management in Uganda, including low copyright compliance, limited enforcement and widespread unlicensed commercial use of music. In other words, the society insists the size of the royalty pool itself remains one of the industry’s biggest challenges.

What has been the biggest lesson that has emerged from the dispute?

Perhaps the biggest lesson emerging from the dispute is that Uganda’s royalty problem begins long before distribution day.

‘A collecting society cannot distribute money it has never collected,’ Mr Nkoyoyo told the Weekend Monitor in an interview. For years, musicians have complained that businesses continue to play copyrighted music without licences. Others acquire licences but provide incomplete playlists or inadequate usage records. Some broadcasters and entertainment venues reportedly remain outside effective licensing systems altogether.

Consequently, even an efficient distribution formula cannot compensate for a relatively small collection pool. This explains why many observers believe Uganda’s royalty debate should shift from distribution alone towards improving collections, compliance and monitoring. The conversation, therefore, is no longer simply about how money is shared but how much enters the system in the first place. While UPRS has defended its methodology, the public reaction suggests something equally important: a crisis of trust.

Many musicians say they struggle to understand how final royalty figures are calculated. They receive payment notifications but often lack detailed explanations showing which songs generated revenue, how frequently they were used, what ownership percentages were applied and whether some earnings remain suspended because of missing information. Without such visibility, even correctly calculated payments can appear arbitrary. ‘UPRS must move beyond simply issuing payments and instead provide accessible royalty statements explaining every stage of the calculation process,’ songstress Beckie 256 urged adding that transparency is becoming just as valuable as the payment itself.

Can digital tracking be of any help?

The controversy has also renewed calls for technology-driven reform. Uganda National Musicians Federation president Eddy Kenzo has been among those advocating for digital monitoring systems capable of capturing real-time music usage across broadcasters, hospitality businesses and other commercial venues. Supporters argue that automated monitoring would reduce reliance on incomplete playlists and manual reporting while providing more reliable evidence of actual music consumption.

A modern Copyright Management System could potentially generate play-count data, improve repertoire matching and reduce disputes arising from incomplete usage records. Technology alone, however, is unlikely to solve every problem. ‘Digital systems remain dependent on accurate metadata supplied by artists themselves. Songs that are poorly documented, incorrectly registered or missing ownership information may still struggle to generate accurate royalty payments regardless of how sophisticated monitoring becomes,’ Mr Ekongot says. He adds that technology should strengthen-not replace-the existing copyright administration framework.